Social Europe

  • EU Forward Project
  • YouTube
  • Podcast
  • Books
  • Newsletter
  • Membership

Environmental stewardship yes, ‘carbon farming’ no

Wijnand Stoefs 22nd March 2023

Preserving nature, restoring soils and safeguarding biodiversity is essential—but calling it carbon removal is harmful.

carbon removal,carbon farming,nature
Reforestation is certainly critical, including to stem biodiversity loss—but it is no substitute for cutting greenhouse-gas emissions (Dietrich Leppert / shutterstock.com)

The European Commission’s proposed Carbon Removal Certification Framework (CRCF) should have helped determine what constitutes valid carbon-dioxide removals in the European Union. But the draft certification, monitoring and accounting system has many shortcomings. A fatal flaw is the strong focus on the wrong types of removals, including ‘carbon farming’, gaining momentum in associated policy debates.

To be considered true carbon removal, a process needs to remove CO2 directly from the atmosphere and store it permanently—at the very least for two centuries. Carbon farming is an extremely broad and volatile concept, covering very different types of nature-based activities (mainly storing carbon in vegetation and soils) with very different estimated durations of storage lumped together. All lead to carbon being stored temporarily in carbon sinks vulnerable to human and natural disturbances.

Major benefits

Carbon farming is something of a misnomer because the real benefits of nature-based practices are to the broader environment and society, as well as landowners. Close-to-nature forestry practices not only safeguard biodiversity but also increase the resilience of forests and help protect against pests. Soils with higher carbon content are better at retaining water (protecting against droughts and floods), suffer less erosion, improve biodiversity, greatly reduce the need for pollution-intensive fertilisers and enhance fertility. Such practices in general increase the capacity of our landscapes to withstand the ever-worsening impacts of the climate breakdown and can play a big adaptation role.

These are often referred to as ‘co-benefits’ by policy-makers and stakeholders keen to foreground the climate perspective. But that is the wrong way around: the ability to sequester carbon is the co-benefit, while these myriad environmental, social and economic benefits are more than reason enough to incentivise such good stewardship.

While carbon farming sounds like a no-regrets option with plenty of winners, there is a risk that no one wins at all if approached from a climate-centric perspective. Carbon credits from carbon farming are not a good tool for tackling the climate crisis, for three reasons.

Carbon sequestration

First, take soil carbon sequestration—the reversing of a historic loss of carbon from soils due to soil degradation by intensive agriculture. Monitoring, verifying and reporting is extremely expensive and comes with huge uncertainties. We cannot accurately measure how much is being sequestered and we will not know if and when carbon leaks back into the atmosphere—let alone how much.

Anything that is certified as a removal risks being used to label products, companies or even the entire EU as ‘net zero’ or ‘climate neutral’. Using vulnerable carbon sinks in this way puts the union’s climate targets at risk, because the certified removals may exist only on paper or quickly seep back into the atmosphere, so the target is not achieved in the real world—with potentially catastrophic consequences.

Secondly, activities leading to temporary removals are already widely used to offset permanent emissions—claiming a false equivalence between climate-heating pollution that stays in the atmosphere for centuries and carbon stored merely for years or decades. This distracts corporations, consumers and policy-makers from addressing the climate impacts of the goods and services they respectively sell, buy and regulate. The climate crisis is acute—there is no time to waste on offsetting emissions.

Slowing down mitigation

Thirdly, these nature-based credits often cost less than reducing emissions, the pressing priority. Crediting carbon farming thus risks slowing down mitigation. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is clear on this: both removals and emissions reductions are needed, but as complements, not substitutes.

From the perspective of farmers and forest owners, certification as proposed by the commission risks being a double-edged sword. While they might receive some financial benefit after successfully (though not without burden and costs) proving that the carbon content in their biomass had increased, they would also need to assume responsibility (and potential financial liability) for any carbon re-released.

The risk of reversals for nature-based solutions, especially soils, is extremely high. These can be caused not only by changes in practices (even by future generations of farmers and land managers) but also by increasingly frequent natural disturbances, such as fires, droughts, flash floods, pests and invasive species. Such disturbances will be exacerbated by the climate crisis itself—compounding the risks for farmers. Moreover, a similar scheme in France has led to only around 60 per cent of funds reaching farmers—the rest mainly ended up in the pockets of intermediaries.

Squaring the circle

For once, a circle can be squared—by taking a step back from carbon credits for non-permanent removals (including carbon storage in products). These need exact quantification and long-term monitoring and someone has to be liable for any reversals.

Policy-makers need to think beyond markets and instead focus on a viable alternative—finance linked to activity rather than (questionable) results. The EU, its member states and the private sector can support farmers and foresters to adopt and maintain good practices for the environment and the climate.

This approach has many advantages. First, no quantification or estimation of carbon for highly reversible storage methods means no units can be used wrongly, such as for ‘greenwashing’ or artificially hitting EU targets. Secondly, no issuance of credits means no liability for farmers: if they change practices again, then they choose no longer to receive support. Finally, supporting best practices would not punish early movers (such as organic farmers or close-to-nature foresters) or farmers in geographic areas with less potential for carbon sequestration, while putting the right benefits in the spotlight.

Funding key

The key question remains funding. Buying carbon credits to compensate for permanent emissions (‘offsetting’) doesn’t help us address the climate crisis—but better alternatives exist.

From the private sector, revenues can derive from polluter-pays instruments (such as the EU Emission Trading System) and corporate contributions to climate action not associated with consequent ‘carbon-neutral’ claims. But restoring and protecting nature is, ultimately, a public good.

Public resources will thus be needed if the EU is to reach its environmental goals and bear its fair share of global efforts to tackle the biodiversity crisis and climate breakdown. Public funding can come from existing schemes—such as by ‘greening’ the Common Agriculture Policy—from public-procurement processes or from new streams to help reach the targets of the EU’s Nature Restoration Law or the upcoming Soil Health Law.

Creating junk removal credits just to attract funding through voluntary carbon markets will not help the EU or its farmers and forests. Political will and foresight is needed to prevent these mistakes being made.

Wijnand Stoefs
Wijnand Stoefs

Wijnand Stoefs is lead expert on carbon removals at Carbon Market Watch.

Harvard University Press Advertisement

Social Europe Ad - Promoting European social policies

We need your help.

Support Social Europe for less than €5 per month and help keep our content freely accessible to everyone. Your support empowers independent publishing and drives the conversations that matter. Thank you very much!

Social Europe Membership

Click here to become a member

Most Recent Articles

u42198346 cb576e6b422c 2 Navigating Uncertainty: Germany’s SPD Grapples with Its FutureRobert Misik
u421983467355abbec437 2 The War on the Liberal ClassDavid Klion
09d21a9 The Future of Social Democracy: How the German SPD can Win AgainHenning Meyer
u42198346 How Trump’s Tariff Regime Fuels Global OligarchyGabriel Zucman
u421983462 041df6feef0a 3 Universities Under Siege: A Global Reckoning for Higher EducationManuel Muñiz

Most Popular Articles

u4219834647f 0894ae7ca865 3 Europe’s Businesses Face a Quiet Takeover as US Investors CapitaliseTej Gonza and Timothée Duverger
u4219834674930082ba55 0 Portugal’s Political Earthquake: Centrist Grip Crumbles, Right AscendsEmanuel Ferreira
u421983467e58be8 81f2 4326 80f2 d452cfe9031e 1 “The Universities Are the Enemy”: Why Europe Must Act NowBartosz Rydliński
u42198346761805ea24 2 Trump’s ‘Golden Era’ Fades as European Allies Face Harsh New RealityFerenc Németh and Peter Kreko
startupsgovernment e1744799195663 Governments Are Not StartupsMariana Mazzucato
u421986cbef 2549 4e0c b6c4 b5bb01362b52 0 American SuicideJoschka Fischer
u42198346769d6584 1580 41fe 8c7d 3b9398aa5ec5 1 Why Trump Keeps Winning: The Truth No One AdmitsBo Rothstein
u421983467 a350a084 b098 4970 9834 739dc11b73a5 1 America Is About to Become the Next BrexitJ Bradford DeLong
u4219834676ba1b3a2 b4e1 4c79 960b 6770c60533fa 1 The End of the ‘West’ and Europe’s FutureGuillaume Duval
u421983462e c2ec 4dd2 90a4 b9cfb6856465 1 The Transatlantic Alliance Is Dying—What Comes Next for Europe?Frank Hoffer

ETUI advertisement

HESA Magazine Cover

With a comprehensive set of relevant indicators, presented in 85 graphs and tables, the 2025 Benchmarking Working Europe report examines how EU policies can reconcile economic, social and environmental goals to ensure long-term competitiveness. Considered a key reference, this publication is an invaluable resource for supporting European social dialogue.

DOWNLOAD HERE

Eurofound advertisement

Ageing workforce
How are minimum wage levels changing in Europe?

In a new Eurofound Talks podcast episode, host Mary McCaughey speaks with Eurofound expert Carlos Vacas Soriano about recent changes to minimum wages in Europe and their implications.

Listeners can delve into the intricacies of Europe's minimum wage dynamics and the driving factors behind these shifts. The conversation also highlights the broader effects of minimum wage changes on income inequality and gender equality.

Listen to the episode for free. Also make sure to subscribe to Eurofound Talks so you don’t miss an episode!

LISTEN NOW

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

Spring Issues

The Spring issue of The Progressive Post is out!


Since President Trump’s inauguration, the US – hitherto the cornerstone of Western security – is destabilising the world order it helped to build. The US security umbrella is apparently closing on Europe, Ukraine finds itself less and less protected, and the traditional defender of free trade is now shutting the door to foreign goods, sending stock markets on a rollercoaster. How will the European Union respond to this dramatic landscape change? .


Among this issue’s highlights, we discuss European defence strategies, assess how the US president's recent announcements will impact international trade and explore the risks  and opportunities that algorithms pose for workers.


READ THE MAGAZINE

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

WSI Report

WSI Minimum Wage Report 2025

The trend towards significant nominal minimum wage increases is continuing this year. In view of falling inflation rates, this translates into a sizeable increase in purchasing power for minimum wage earners in most European countries. The background to this is the implementation of the European Minimum Wage Directive, which has led to a reorientation of minimum wage policy in many countries and is thus boosting the dynamics of minimum wages. Most EU countries are now following the reference values for adequate minimum wages enshrined in the directive, which are 60% of the median wage or 50 % of the average wage. However, for Germany, a structural increase is still necessary to make progress towards an adequate minimum wage.

DOWNLOAD HERE

S&D Group in the European Parliament advertisement

Cohesion Policy

S&D Position Paper on Cohesion Policy post-2027: a resilient future for European territorial equity”,

Cohesion Policy aims to promote harmonious development and reduce economic, social and territorial disparities between the regions of the Union, and the backwardness of the least favoured regions with a particular focus on rural areas, areas affected by industrial transition and regions suffering from severe and permanent natural or demographic handicaps, such as outermost regions, regions with very low population density, islands, cross-border and mountain regions.

READ THE FULL POSITION PAPER HERE

Social Europe

Our Mission

Team

Article Submission

Advertisements

Membership

Social Europe Archives

Themes Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

Miscellaneous

RSS Feed

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641