Austria’s far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) has surged to dominance in national elections, with major implications for democracy and political stability.
After the shocking election results in the German „Länder“ of Saxony, Brandenburg and Thuringia, it is now Austria’s turn. The far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) has become the dominant political force with 28.9 per cent of the vote, followed closely by the Conservatives with 26.3 per cent. The Social Democrats, in a distant third place, secured only 21.1 per cent, marking the poorest results in the party’s history.
Years of toxic discourse, driven by the media, a paranoid tabloid agenda, and a culture of fake news on social networks, have laid the groundwork for this turn. Topics such as migration, crime, and security dominate the headlines to such an extent that immigration and violence are treated as if they were synonymous. A paranoid mindset has become entrenched in Austrian political culture.
Compounding this were the persistent psychological scars left by the COVID-19 pandemic. During this period, anti-pandemic measures were denounced by the far-right as “human rights violations,” labelling governmental actions as “tyrannical” and “dictatorial” for supposedly “imprisoning” citizens or “forcing” vaccinations. As radical ideas gradually became normalised, people increasingly accepted them as standard. The economic crises of recent years—particularly the inflation crisis—further exacerbated this situation. A bleak outlook on the present and the future serves as fertile ground for the radical right, as exemplified by the FPÖ’s slogan just days before the election: “On election Sunday, we will bring down the system.”
If you speak to FPÖ voters, it becomes evident why they cast their ballots for the party: concerns over excessive migration. They point to school classes composed solely of immigrant children, many of whom lack proficiency in German. They cite the strain on infrastructure, as well as a sense of “cultural panic” surrounding Islam. Issues such as crime, stabbing attacks, and the threat of terrorism are often exaggerated, leading to an accumulation of fictitious horrors atop real concerns. This fosters a social climate that misrepresents reality, creating the impression that Austria is a failed state.
Another significant issue for these voters was the pandemic. The FPÖ effectively instilled a belief among many that they were deliberately imprisoned and harassed by malevolent elites during the COVID-19 crisis. The already mentioned reframing had its effect. This agitation feeds a narrative of hostility towards science and medicine, framing the world in a simplistic dichotomy: on one side, the helpless and powerless ordinary citizens, and on the other, a shadowy global elite—referred to as “globalists”—that oppresses them.
It’s important to remember, though, that only 29 per cent of the electorate supported the FPÖ, while 71 per cent did not. However, for the first time, the FPÖ has emerged as the strongest party in various segments of society, including first-time voters, young people, and the working and middle classes. Notably, women and men have voted for the FPÖ almost equally. The urban-rural divide has deepened: rural areas and small communities are now predominantly blue (the party colour of the far-right), while larger cities, particularly the metropolis of Vienna, consistently support social democracy and progressive majorities. Only among those aged over 60 do the conservative People’s Party and the Social Democrats retain a clear majority.
One particularly disappointing aspect of this election result is the failure of the SPÖ. Sixteen months ago, the Social Democrats addressed the challenge of right-wing populism and ethno-nationalism by appointing a popular, grounded, left-wing small-town mayor, Andreas Babler, as their party leader. Coming from “outside the system,” he seemed well-placed to benefit from the contemporary anti-elite sentiments or at least to neutralise them. His rhetoric and election campaign focused on the social hardships faced by the underprivileged, economic issues, and social topics such as inflation, healthcare, and pensions. As a down-to-earth individual with a proletarian attitude, he could have embodied these concerns effectively.
However, none of this materialised. In fact, not a single vote was garnered from the “angry” and “forgotten” demographics. Even more concerning, while the social democrats gained votes from the left-leaning Greens, they lost an equivalent number to non-voters. To put it plainly: even in the face of a potential extreme-right majority, hundreds of thousands of social democratic voters opted to stay at home on election day. This is a disaster. The party’s internal divisions and conflicts have undoubtedly contributed significantly to this fiasco.
As it stands, no one seems to have long-term solutions or practical strategies for countering right-wing extremism. The immediate question now is how to move forward. Conservatives and right-wing extremists have previously formed a coalition twice, in 2000 and again in 2017; however, since then, the FPÖ has become even more radicalised. Now, having emerged as the strongest party, it is likely that right-wing extremists will take the lead instead of the conservatives. Another possibility — perhaps the more probable one — is a renewed alliance between the conservatives and social democrats to keep the far right out of government. The ÖVP and SPÖ could form a narrow majority, while a three-party coalition with the liberal NEOS would provide a more comfortable one.
Karl Nehammer, the sitting Federal Chancellor, and SPÖ leader Andreas Babler now face a pivotal moment in history. It is their responsibility to prevent the country from descending into an authoritarian, aggressive right-wing regime, as has already occurred in Hungary and Slovakia. If they wish to push back against the far right, they must form an exceptional government that eschews mediocrity and the habit of working against each other in coalition settings, while also attracting capable and dynamic individuals to key government positions. The jury is out. And the stakes are high.
Robert Misik is a writer and essayist in Vienna. He publishes in many outlets, including Die Zeit and Die Tageszeitung. His awards include the John Maynard Keynes Society prize for economic journalism.