“The Universities Are the Enemy”: Why Europe Must Act Now

The EU should welcome US scholars fleeing Trump’s assault on academia—and lead in global innovation and freedom.

This May, American universities hold graduation ceremonies, where thousands of students will receive their long-awaited and hard-earned degrees in the presence of their loved ones. However, this year’s commencements occur under the shadow of historically unprecedented assaults on the academic community by the new US administration. Among Donald Trump’s initial actions were the freezing of federal research funding, the dismantling of DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) programmes, the enforcement of immigration laws on campuses—particularly targeting those involved in pro-Palestinian demonstrations—the removal of protections for LGBTQ+ students, and the unprecedented announcement of plans to abolish the Department of Education. These actions reflect the ideological agenda of the new radical right-wing government, starkly symbolised by J.D. Vance, vice president and a prominent figure in the MAGA movement, who declared in a 2021 speech at the National Conservatism Conference that “The Universities are the Enemy.” This was not merely an intellectual pose but a harbinger of the government’s “shock doctrine” in American science and higher education.

Within the democratic academic community, the decision of three prominent professors—Jason Stanley, Timothy Snyder, and Marci Shore—to leave Yale University in protest against Trump’s policies has sent shockwaves. They have chosen the University of Toronto as their new academic home, a symbolic gesture that raises a profound question: Should this moment not serve as a catalyst for the European Union to launch a dedicated initiative aimed at welcoming American researchers, academics, PhD candidates, and students into European universities? At a time when entire research programmes are being dismantled in the US and academic freedom is under siege, the EU has a unique opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to democratic values, human rights, and diversity—not just in words but in decisive action.

Beyond its axiological dimension, European support for American academics represents a pragmatic opportunity that the United States capitalised on more than 80 years ago. Following the Nazis’ rise to power in Germany, American universities became sanctuaries for a generation of European scholars. Figures like Albert Einstein, Enrico Fermi, Edward Teller, Eugene Wigner, John von Neumann, and Stanisław Ulam not only spearheaded the development of American nuclear capabilities through the Manhattan Project but also laid the foundations for the United States’ dominance in the sciences. Similarly, the arrival of intellectual giants such as Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Herbert Marcuse, Hannah Arendt, and Erich Fromm transformed American social sciences and humanities, shaping discourse for decades. Today, Europe has the chance to mirror that historical moment—becoming a safe harbour for exceptional scholars whose groundbreaking research could drive innovation and bolster its intellectual leadership on the global stage.

EU support for American researchers and academics must be paired with a fundamental shift in Europe’s commitment to research and development funding. At present, EU member states allocate just 2.2% of their GDP to R&D—significantly less than Israel (5.73%), South Korea (5.22%), the United States (3.64%), Japan (3.30%), and the United Kingdom (3.19%).This shortfall is more than just a statistic; it is a strategic vulnerability. Closing this gap would enhance Europe’s scientific and technological competitiveness and robustly respond to the Draghi Report’s warnings, signalling that the EU is prepared to lead in global innovation.

To realise this vision, additional funds must be allocated—not just for welcoming American scholars but for creating new jobs, research teams, and study programmes within Europe. This investment would reassure European researchers and university staff that EU support for American academics is not a zero-sum game. The objective is clear: to expand opportunities, not compete for limited resources like stable jobs and research grants. A well-funded, ambitious R&D strategy would transform Europe’s universities and research institutions into beacons of innovation, attracting talent from both sides of the Atlantic.

The stakes extend beyond funding; they touch on the core of Europe’s identity as a defender of democracy and human rights. By extending a hand to American scholars under siege, the EU would send a clear message: Europe stands unwavering in its commitment to academic freedom and intellectual integrity. This principled stance would elevate Europe’s soft power among American university elites and the broader public, casting it as a global sanctuary for intellectual liberty.

The benefits of such an initiative extend far beyond symbolism. American scholars arriving in Europe would bring fresh perspectives, innovative research methods, and cutting-edge teaching strategies. This mutual exchange would enrich European academia, sparking collaboration in fields ranging from artificial intelligence to climate science. Moreover, for many Americans of European descent, this experience might serve as a bridge to reconnect with their heritage—perhaps even inspiring a more permanent return to the continent that shaped their families’ histories.

Importantly, Europe would position itself as the antithesis to the isolationism and authoritarian impulses currently gripping parts of the United States. Radical right-wing populism may win votes in the short term, but it offers no lasting solutions to our age’s social, economic, and climate crises. Its victories are ephemeral, and its contradictions are unsustainable. Europe, by contrast, could emerge from this period not just as a symbol of democratic resilience but as a leader in global research and innovation. Supporting American academics would not merely be an act of solidarity—it would be an investment in the future of transatlantic cooperation. It would lay the foundation for a stronger EU-US partnership, rooted in shared values and intellectual exchange, capable of weathering the political storms expected through at least 2029. The question is whether Europe is ready to seize this moment.