Social Europe

politics, economy and employment & labour

  • Projects
    • Corporate Taxation in a Globalised Era
    • US Election 2020
    • The Transformation of Work
    • The Coronavirus Crisis and the Welfare State
    • Just Transition
    • Artificial intelligence, work and society
    • What is inequality?
    • Europe 2025
    • The Crisis Of Globalisation
  • Audiovisual
    • Audio Podcast
    • Video Podcasts
    • Social Europe Talk Videos
  • Publications
    • Books
    • Dossiers
    • Occasional Papers
    • Research Essays
    • Brexit Paper Series
  • Shop
  • Membership
  • Ads
  • Newsletter

Why TTIP Has To Be Rethought

by Markus Krajewski on 11th December 2014

TwitterFacebookLinkedIn
Markus Krajewski, TTIP

Markus Krajewski

The current debate about the planned Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the European Union and the United States concerns a number of contested areas, but the potential impact of a chapter on investment protection with investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) is certainly the most prominent aspect of the discussions. In light of an increasing critique of investment protection in the TTIP, the European Commission held a public consultation on the subject between March and July 2014.The consultation generated almost 150.000 online contributions. The Commission still analyses the responses and will produce a report on the results of the consultation.

The EU approach towards investment protection and ISDS as described and explained in the consultation documents contains a number of improvements compared with traditional BITs, including BITs of some of the EU Member States. If one considers the system of investment protection generally to be useful and assumes that this system can be improved through reforms the EU approach should be perceived as a step in the right direction as it contains a number of useful improvements.

These improvements concern inter alia a clarification that pure letter-box companies will not benefit from investment protection; the clarification and limitation of the scope of the concepts of fair and equitable treatment and indirect expropriation; and mandatory transparency requirements for ISDS.

However, even from a perspective which considers an improved investment protection system including a reformed ISDS to be more desirable than no investment protection, the EU approach does not seem satisfying, because it fails to incorporate reform proposals which have been advanced in recent debates and treaty practice.

In this respect the EU approach is insufficient because it fails to exclude portfolio investments from the scope of investment protection; to clarify that investor’s expectations are only relevant if they are based on formal statements issued by competent authorities and do not prejudge the legislative process; to apply general exceptions to all substantive investment standards instead of just to non-discrimination; and to foresee the possibility of an appeals mechanism which would apply to all investment treaties and not just the TTIP.

The EU’s approach could be improved from a reformist perspective by including these elements. In addition, it could be improved by requiring the investor to adhere to international standards and guidelines for multinational enterprises (such as the OECD Guidelines or the ILO Declaration) before turning to ISDS.

Despite the improvements and regardless of potential further improvements, from a reformist perspective, investment protection including ISDS in an EU-US agreement remains in principle problematic for the following reasons:

First, ISDS establishes a system of judicial protection which is only available for foreign investors. By definition, this additional system awards benefits to foreign companies which are not given to domestic companies. This discriminates against domestic companies.

Second, ISDS has the potential to destabilise the domestic judicial system, because public measures (such as laws, regulations, decisions, etc.) can be subject to two diverging legal assessments. This leads to legal uncertainty in particular if the questions before domestic courts and investment tribunals are essentially the same (i.e. whether the measure violates individual economic rights such as the right to property).

Third and finally, ISDS can influence domestic legislative and administrative decision-making. Even if the substantive standards are defined in a restrictive way and even if ISDS proceedings are transparent, investors may nevertheless file their claims. The likelihood that the investor may win could be reduced through the reform proposals of the EU, but the potential threat with an ISDS claim remains as long as agreements such as TTIP or CETA contain a chapter on investment protection.

The ISDS

The ISDS provisions of TTIP are highly controversial

Improvements of the international investment protection system would require a new start, instead of relying on reforms of the current system. Such a new start should be based on the following principles and rationales: International investment law should generally protect domestic and foreign investors engaged in sustainable investment activities against arbitrary state actions, promote the rule of law and the protection of property rights in order to foster sustainable development and growth in all countries, be compatible with domestic regulations aimed at legitimate public interests even if they have negative impacts on private business activities and be integrated into domestic legal systems and support the development and maintenance of an impartial and functioning judicial system which is compatible with international human rights standards.

Measured against these requirements, current international investment agreements including the EU’s approach as laid down in the draft investment chapter of CETA are not appropriate. Therefore, an improvement of the current system without a fundamental change does not seem possible.

An alternative investment protection system could be built on a number of ideas. One option would be a reliance on state-to-state dispute settlement. This approach, which has worked effectively in the WTO, has never been tested in the context of investment protection even though it exists in virtually all investment agreements and chapters. Under such an approach, the home state of the investor would sue the host state after the investor exhausted the local remedies. Another option would be to establish a permanent international investment court which would hear claims on the basis of investment treaties instead of arbitration tribunals. This option would keep the right of investors to raise claims but the legitimacy, transparency and neutrality of the international court would be higher than that of investment tribunals.

Apart from these alternatives to investment arbitration, a fundamentally new approach would be to negotiate and agree on measures which would improve the judicial systems in countries which are still developing an independent and efficient judiciary. To further advance this cause, investment agreements could include chapters on judicial reform and the rule of law. International trade and investment agreements should offer cooperation and support for countries which are struggling with these issues. For example, it might be worth exploring this avenue in current and future negotiations of the EU on trade and investment agreements with Thailand, Vietnam or other countries. However, a trade agreement with the US or with Canada does not need such a chapter, because the US and the Canadian legal systems offer sufficient protection for economic actors including foreign investors.

This is a summary of the study „Modalities for investment protection and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) in TTIP from a trade union perspective” published by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.

TwitterFacebookLinkedIn
Home ・ Politics ・ Why TTIP Has To Be Rethought

Filed Under: Politics

About Markus Krajewski

Markus Krajewski is Professor of Law at the University of Erlangen-Nürnberg.

Partner Ads

Most Recent Posts

Thomas Piketty,capital Capital and ideology: interview with Thomas Piketty Thomas Piketty
pushbacks Border pushbacks: it’s time for impunity to end Hope Barker
gig workers Gig workers’ rights and their strategic litigation Aude Cefaliello and Nicola Countouris
European values,EU values,fundamental values European values: making reputational damage stick Michele Bellini and Francesco Saraceno
centre left,representation gap,dissatisfaction with democracy Closing the representation gap Sheri Berman

Most Popular Posts

sovereignty Brexit and the misunderstanding of sovereignty Peter Verovšek
globalisation of labour,deglobalisation The first global event in the history of humankind Branko Milanovic
centre-left, Democratic Party The Biden victory and the future of the centre-left EJ Dionne Jr
eurozone recovery, recovery package, Financial Stability Review, BEAST Light in the tunnel or oncoming train? Adam Tooze
Brexit deal, no deal Barrelling towards the ‘Brexit’ cliff edge Paul Mason

Other Social Europe Publications

Whither Social Rights in (Post-)Brexit Europe?
Year 30: Germany’s Second Chance
Artificial intelligence
Social Europe Volume Three
Social Europe – A Manifesto

Social Europe Publishing book

The Brexit endgame is upon us: deal or no deal, the transition period will end on January 1st. With a pandemic raging, for those countries most affected by Brexit the end of the transition could not come at a worse time. Yet, might the UK's withdrawal be a blessing in disguise? With its biggest veto player gone, might the European Pillar of Social Rights take centre stage? This book brings together leading experts in European politics and policy to examine social citizenship rights across the European continent in the wake of Brexit. Will member states see an enhanced social Europe or a race to the bottom?

'This book correctly emphasises the need to place the future of social rights in Europe front and centre in the post-Brexit debate, to move on from the economistic bias that has obscured our vision of a progressive social Europe.' Michael D Higgins, president of Ireland


MORE INFO

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

The macroeconomic effects of the EU recovery and resilience facility

This policy brief analyses the macroeconomic effects of the EU's Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). We present the basics of the RRF and then use the macroeconometric multi-country model NiGEM to analyse the facility's macroeconomic effects. The simulations show, first, that if the funds are in fact used to finance additional public investment (as intended), public capital stocks throughout the EU will increase markedly during the time of the RRF. Secondly, in some especially hard-hit southern European countries, the RRF would offset a significant share of the output lost during the pandemic. Thirdly, as gains in GDP due to the RRF will be much stronger in (poorer) southern and eastern European countries, the RRF has the potential to reduce economic divergence. Finally, and in direct consequence of the increased GDP, the RRF will lead to lower public debt ratios—between 2.0 and 4.4 percentage points below baseline for southern European countries in 2023.


FREE DOWNLOAD

ETUI advertisement

Benchmarking Working Europe 2020

A virus is haunting Europe. This year’s 20th anniversary issue of our flagship publication Benchmarking Working Europe brings to a growing audience of trade unionists, industrial relations specialists and policy-makers a warning: besides SARS-CoV-2, ‘austerity’ is the other nefarious agent from which workers, and Europe as a whole, need to be protected in the months and years ahead. Just as the scientific community appears on the verge of producing one or more effective and affordable vaccines that could generate widespread immunity against SARS-CoV-2, however, policy-makers, at both national and European levels, are now approaching this challenging juncture in a way that departs from the austerity-driven responses deployed a decade ago, in the aftermath of the previous crisis. It is particularly apt for the 20th anniversary issue of Benchmarking, a publication that has allowed the ETUI and the ETUC to contribute to key European debates, to set out our case for a socially responsive and ecologically sustainable road out of the Covid-19 crisis.


FREE DOWNLOAD

Eurofound advertisement

Industrial relations: developments 2015-2019

Eurofound has monitored and analysed developments in industrial relations systems at EU level and in EU member states for over 40 years. This new flagship report provides an overview of developments in industrial relations and social dialogue in the years immediately prior to the Covid-19 outbreak. Findings are placed in the context of the key developments in EU policy affecting employment, working conditions and social policy, and linked to the work done by social partners—as well as public authorities—at European and national levels.


CLICK FOR MORE INFO

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

Read FEPS Covid Response Papers

In this moment, more than ever, policy-making requires support and ideas to design further responses that can meet the scale of the problem. FEPS contributes to this reflection with policy ideas, analysis of the different proposals and open reflections with the new FEPS Covid Response Papers series and the FEPS Covid Response Webinars. The latest FEPS Covid Response Paper by the Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, 'Recovering from the pandemic: an appraisal of lessons learned', provides an overview of the failures and successes in dealing with Covid-19 and its economic aftermath. Among the authors: Lodewijk Asscher, László Andor, Estrella Durá, Daniela Gabor, Amandine Crespy, Alberto Botta, Francesco Corti, and many more.


CLICK HERE

About Social Europe

Our Mission

Article Submission

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641

Find Social Europe Content

Search Social Europe

Project Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

.EU Web Awards