Contemporary European democracies are undergoing significant transformation: the traditional framework of representative, election-based democracy is becoming increasingly complemented by a diverse palette of democratic innovations. It is within this context that social movements and informal activism have gained renewed importance. Not merely “opposing voices” or “civil society organisations”, these forces are capable of opening new spaces for participation and democratic innovation. As the Italian sociologist Donatella della Porta emphasises, social movements strengthen the normative foundations of democracy by enabling citizens to act, introducing democratic practices within their own structures, and creating channels to express societal needs. Informal activism—in which people act through loose networks, often without formal organisational frameworks—is particularly crucial in renewing democracy.
These actors—whether embedded in tighter or looser forms of association—do more than demand a seat at the table; they introduce old and new methods: participatory budgeting, community forums, and mini-public assemblies. These tools bring decision-making closer to people and help mitigate political polarisation. Social movements are thus not only defenders of democracy but also its reinventors.
This matters profoundly in the Central-Eastern European region, where participation and local self-governance face complex legal and political challenges. Hungary serves as a kind of negative laboratory, where civil society organisations, independent social movements, and local autonomies face constant attack within a depleted municipal system. The former Law and Justice (PiS) government in Poland also attempted to undermine critical thinking and democratic participation. But unlike in Hungary, it ultimately failed, demonstrating instead how societal resistance and decentralised efforts can foster resilience.
The Polish laboratory of democratic renewal
The Polish case is particularly instructive. After the 2023 parliamentary elections, which ended PiS’s eight-year rule, Donald Tusk’s new government faced the monumental task of repairing the damage to democratic institutions. Though this remains a work in progress, the real story lies at the grassroots level. Social movements, such as the Women’s Strike (Strajk Kobiet), which mobilised hundreds of thousands against the near-total abortion ban in 2020, played a pivotal role in upholding democratic norms. These movements were not merely reactive or spontaneous; they built on decades of civil society engagement, leveraging informal networks to organise protests, legal challenges, and community support systems. The 2020 protests, sparked by the Constitutional Tribunal’s ruling, were a turning point, galvanising a broad coalition that included urban youth, rural women, and even some conservative groups disillusioned with PiS’s overreach.
Decentralisation proved to be a key factor. Unlike Hungary’s centralised system, where local governments are heavily dependent on national funding and oversight, Poland’s regional and municipal authorities retained significant autonomy. This allowed cities like Warsaw, Gdańsk, and Kraków to become hubs of resistance, providing resources and platforms for activists. Warsaw’s city government under Rafał Trzaskowski, for instance, openly supported the Women’s Strike, offering public spaces for rallies and legal aid for arrested protesters. This synergy between local governance and civil society created a resilient democratic ecosystem that PiS could not fully suppress, despite its efforts to capture state institutions.
The Polish example also highlights the power of informal activism. Grassroots initiatives, often led by young people or local leaders without political affiliations, filled gaps left by weakened national institutions. Take the case of the “citizens’ observatories” (Obserwatoria Obywatelskie): informal groups that monitored election irregularities during the 2023 campaign. These networks, relying on WhatsApp groups and community meetings, documented PiS’s attempts to manipulate voter turnout and shared evidence with international watchdogs, contributing to the opposition’s victory.
What Hungary must learn
These movements are not just about protest; they also introduce alternative political practices. This is precisely why restoring municipal autonomy in Hungary is crucial—not just legally but culturally—so that people may once again believe that participation at the local level can bring real change. The success of Polish civil society hinged on building long-term trust between civil organisations and local governments. This did not arise solely from EU projects or external funding; it became a daily practice predicated upon continuous collaboration. In Hungary, a strong civil society will only emerge if citizens come to believe, through personal experience, that participation has meaning.
Budapest, led by Mayor Gergely Karácsony, has introduced innovative practices such as participatory budgeting and citizens’ assemblies, which represents a promising start. The success of the Pride March in 2025—held in both Budapest and Pécs with strong civil society support, despite an official ban and tremendous government intimidation—demonstrates that resistance remains possible. Yet more coordinated effort is needed to cut through the hyperpolarisation of Hungarian society that is imposed top-down by the regime.
One way to reduce toxic polarisation is for activism to focus on common problems rather than ideologies. In Poland, several environmental and health-related civil initiatives have bridged divides between political camps. To name just one successful case: the “Kraków Smog Alarm” (Krakowski Alarm Smogowy) environmental movement, where residents—regardless of political preferences—united to combat air pollution, pressuring the municipality to phase out coal heating and improve public transport.
The Polish example clearly shows that democracy does not die with a single election, nor is it reborn with one. Democracy must be recreated day by day, from town to town. In Hungary, we must think the same way: change stems from rebuilding trust among people—learning to talk to each other again, making decisions together, and taking responsibility. Without strong local democracy, there is no freedom, and without civil society, there is no democracy.
Edit Zgut-Przybylska is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology of the Polish Academy of Sciences and a member of the board of Amnesty International Hungary.
