Anchored in classical social-democratic politics, the SPÖ’s vision for Austria offers signposts for the European political family.
It has been a year since, in a plot twist, Andreas Babler became leader of the Austrian social democrats, the SPÖ. With the far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) topping the polls since November 2022, hopes were high that resolving internal quarrels would help the party regain its advantage, with the new leader stemming the renewed far-right surge.
Yet the FPÖ continues to lead in the polls, ahead of the elections this autumn, followed by the SPÖ and the conservative People’s Party (ÖVP). So far, the new SPÖ leadership, which was supposed to unite the party, re-establish its image and attract voters, has had only marginal impact.
In an effort to turn the tide before the parliamentary elections, Babler and his SPÖ have published their ‘24 ideas for Austria’. The plan, elaborated with experts, reads like an election manifesto and appears as an attempt to demonstrate that the social democrats are willing and able to address many of the woes voters are facing.
Despite Babler’s most recent contention that his political ideas have strong Christian-social roots—the Christian-democrat ÖVP forcefully disagreed—his 24 points reveal a strong social-democratic direction. Indeed, contrary to the common claim that he is part of the ‘far-left’, ‘Marxist’ flank of the SPÖ, his programme fits into old-school social-democratic paradigms, anchored around the principle of solidarity.
Increasingly expensive
Top of the list is housing, which has become increasingly expensive in Austria since the pandemic and so a contentious topic in everyday life. Other parties have ventilated the issue and the ÖVP-Greens coalition even proposed a so-called rent cap. The far-right FPÖ rejected the proposal—though the party often portrays itself as the defender of the less well-to-do—claiming disingenuously that the government’s plans ‘do not go far enough and come way too late’. The SPÖ does however advocate a cap on rents and mortgage interest rates. Until 2026, rents should not rise any further and rent increases during 2023 should be undone, while future annual increases should be capped at 2 per cent.
Healthcare is another priority in the programme, given increasing dissatisfaction with the state of the country’s healthcare—long valued for its quality, inexpensiveness and accessibility. As the social democrats argue, the two previous right-wing, ÖVP-FPÖ coalitions had an enduring impact, particularly for those on lower incomes who cannot afford to go private.
Taking Scandinavia as an example, the SPÖ seeks to revamp the system, making it more equally accessible for all. For example, people who cannot be treated in the public system within 30 days should be eligible for treatment at a private facility, to cut waiting times—similar practices are in place in Sweden and Norway. Through a ‘Treatment Guarantee Act’, the party would enshrine in law the right to timely access to care. It also seeks to double the places for medical students and give priority to those who pledge to work for the public sector upon finishing their studies.
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The social democrats want too to eradicate the gendered aspects of healthcare inequality. Specifically, they want to address women’s higher costs for certain treatments, the low number of panel gynaecologists and the differential manifestation of some diseases in women compared with men, due to which diagnosis is often delayed and for which treatments may need to be adapted. Overall, these healthcare measures would not only help make the system more equal and accessible but also leave a legacy for future generations.
Investments in youth
Also featuring prominently in the 24 ideas are respect for the elderly and guarantees that pensions will not be reduced and the legal retirement age not increased. Several points refer to investments in youth, particularly education and including free nursery-school places.
Perhaps most interesting for younger generations is the SPÖ’s aim to finance their access to newspapers. Under-30s would receive a €150 allowance for subscription to any journalistic outlet. This would not only encourage more young people to read but also improve media literacy, inhibit the spread of misinformation and increase young people’s interest in and knowledge of politics and current affairs.
The party also pledges to eradicate child poverty—last September the ÖVP chancellor, Karl Nehammer, mocked concerns about the issue and associated inadequate nutrition. Babler is however genuinely concerned, complaining that Austria is the only European Union country still without an action plan on child poverty and urging the current government to implement the European Child Guarantee. The party relatedly calls for a free, healthy and warm meal for all children at school or in kindergarten.
Interestingly, only one point on the agenda directly touches on migration, that on integration. The party aims to solve labour shortages with immigration and vouches that no time should be wasted when it comes to the integration of immigrants, including in learning German as quickly as possible to enable them to work.
To abolish involuntary long-term unemployment, the SPÖ would implement an employment guarantee, while striving for the reduction of working hours towards a four-day week. In government together the ÖVP and FPÖ implemented a 12-hour workday, regardless of trade-union criticism and public protest. Indeed, some members of the ÖVP have recently flirted with the idea of increasing the working week to 41 hours, without compensation, against which the SPÖ initiated a petition.
Climate crisis
Towards the end of the 24 points, there is explicit reference to the climate crisis, with recognition of the need for an ‘eco-social transformation process’, requiring infrastructure and money. The SPÖ proposes a holistic approach, tying the allocation of public funds for this transformation to social criteria, such as compliance with social and labour standards, fulfillment of apprenticeship quotas and (re-)training campaigns in companies. It foresees a €20 billion transformation fund, controlled by the state-owned Austrian Holding, which manages the country’s investments and national companies.
Austria takes pride in the quality of its drinking water. And the document calls for a strategy to protect lakes and the drinking-water supply while pledging finally to implement the EU directive on drinking water, which covers access and quality.
The social democrats also recognise that public transport needs to become more appealing, particularly for young people. Connectivity would be increased by expanding train networks in rural areas. Offering public transport free to young people throughout the country should incentivise them to become frequent passengers, helping jump-start a generational shift towards more sustainable transport.
Last but certainly not least is justice, which the social democrats tie predominantly to tax and budgetary policies. In Austria, which has one of the highest rates of tax on salaries, 80 per cent of revenues come from taxes on work and consumption, yet it is simultaneously a tax haven for multimillionaires. The SPÖ seeks to change this through measures such as revamping the tax structure and introducing taxes on net assets exceeding €1 million, while exempting owner-occupied homes worth less than €1.5 million. Also, companies should be rendered more accountable by closing tax loopholes and preventing profit-shifting, while the reduction in corporation tax to 23 per cent under the ÖVP-FPÖ coalition would be reversed.
Striking a balance
Overall, the SPÖ’s list strikes a balance between what have been described as consumption- versus investment-oriented social policies: while their ambitions on healthcare, housing and pensioners are primarily consumption-oriented, those on youth and children, education and climate rather aim at investing in the next generation. Thus, they are not only concerned with guaranteeing social welfare for the ‘deserving’ elderly, as the far right often does, but also with long-term investments in younger generations. This may render them more appealing to young voters, who are most exposed to the uncertainties of our time and face an insecure future in terms of social welfare, job security and climate.
There are several things other European social democrats could adopt from Babler’s programme. First, the SPÖ has managed to put together a compelling package that does not centre on migration. On the contrary, it revolves around numerous other really pressing issues for everyday European citizens: healthcare, housing, education and the welfare state. Addressing the concerns that undermine wellbeing, leaving citizens worried about their future, it offers tangible solutions for improving lives and livelihoods.
With that, the social democrats provide a counter-narrative to the far right, which often seeks to scapegoat immigrants for individuals’ hardships, especially when it comes to money and personal security. European sister parties would be well-advised to focus likewise on concrete policies and social investments—their speciality as a political family.
By avoiding echoing the discourse and framing of the far right, they avoid making the common mistake of normalising it, which only helps the far right gain electorally. That way, social democrats stand a chance, by addressing public concerns head-on and offering a viable alternative to those who lack credible solutions to the ‘polycrisis’.
Gabriela Greilinger is a PhD student in the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia, where she studies the far right in Europe.