Albania made global headlines in September 2025 when it became the first country to formally appoint a virtual AI minister. Prime Minister Edi Rama presented this digital innovation as part of his fourth cabinet, positioning it as a technological solution to endemic corruption in public procurement. Yet for many Albanians, the appointment feels like another empty gesture from a government they increasingly distrust.
High-level corruption continues to plague the country, despite unprecedented prosecutorial action. For the first time in Albania’s democratic transition, a Special Prosecutor’s Office (SPAK), backed by strong EU and US support, has successfully brought corruption charges against senior officials from the ruling majority. The deputy prime minister, two cabinet members, and most recently Erion Veliaj – the mayor of Tirana and Rama’s presumed successor – have all faced charges of corruption and money laundering. These investigations in the socialist camp followed similar charges and arrests of two opposition leaders, former presidents Sali Berisha and Ilir Meta.
Despite these high-profile cases, scepticism runs deep about whether Artificial Intelligence (AI) can meaningfully address corruption during Rama’s fourth term. Although the Socialist Party secured another landslide victory in May 2025-capitalising on consolidated executive power and a weakened opposition while pledging to achieve European Union membership within four years-public trust has moved in the opposite direction.
The numbers tell a stark story. According to the Balkan Barometer 2024, only 11.6 per cent of Albanians express trust in public institutions, compared to the Western Balkans average of 24.6 per cent. This figure has declined by 5 per cent since the previous assessment, driven largely by perceptions of corruption, particularly in the justice and health sectors.
Rapid reforms, limited benefits
The European Union has praised Albania as a “model student” in accession negotiations, citing the completion of first-instance vetting for judges and prosecutors and the swift opening of negotiation chapters. In 2016, Albania launched a comprehensive reform of its justice system, a critical precondition for opening accession negotiations following its designation as a candidate country. This reform became the cornerstone of Albania’s anti-corruption efforts over the past decade, with rigorous vetting of judges and prosecutors at its heart.
The vetting process has produced dramatic results: approximately 47 per cent of magistrates have exited the system through dismissal, resignation, or failure to meet the vetting criteria. While this outcome underscored the depth of corruption within the judiciary, it created a devastating imbalance. More professionals left the system than entered it, leading to acute staff shortages and a mounting backlog of cases that frustrates citizens seeking justice.
This dysfunction has profound consequences for public expectations, with trust in the judiciary remaining critically low. A tragic incident in early October laid bare the depth of public frustration: a judge at the Court of Appeal in Tirana was fatally shot during a hearing on a long-standing property dispute by one of the parties involved in the case. Disturbingly, many social media users expressed support for the act, viewing it as justified retaliation-a chilling indicator of how deeply the justice system’s inefficiency has eroded public faith in legal remedies.
This crisis of confidence in the justice system mirrors broader perceptions of governance in Albania, revealing a troubling paradox. While reforms advance and EU integration efforts progress, institutional trust continues to erode due to persistent corruption, political polarisation, and glaring gaps in service delivery. This contradiction may stem from a post-communist culture of scepticism, shaped by decades of governance failures. Yet it should serve as an urgent warning: bold, technically driven reforms must translate into tangible benefits for citizens if they are to have any meaningful impact.
Growing economic inequalities
International reports confirm steady economic growth in Albania over the past decade. Between 2013 and 2024, GDP grew at an average annual rate of 3.1 per cent, while unemployment fell to 9.4 per cent in 2024. The construction sector and tourism, which surged following the lifting of global COVID-19 restrictions, have driven much of this growth.
Yet these gains have failed to stem the tide of emigration. Albania continues to haemorrhage its young people, with nearly one-third of its population choosing to emigrate, primarily to European Union countries. The root cause of this exodus lies in policies that have failed to ensure fair income distribution and genuine economic competition.
Economic inequality remains stubbornly high, with the Gini coefficient fluctuating between 34 and 36-though public perception suggests the real figure may be even higher. The gap between rich and poor has widened markedly since the 2010s, creating a society where prosperity remains concentrated in the hands of a few.
| Period | Gini Coefficient* | Main Characteristics |
| 1995–2000 | ~40–42 (unofficial) | Wild transition, polarisation post-privatisation |
| 2000–2010 | ~35.5–36.0 | Economic growth with uneven distribution |
| 2010–2020 | ~34.5–36.0 | Urbanisation, informality, social exclusion |
| 2020–2024 | ~36.0 | Uneven recovery post-pandemic |
*The Gini coefficient measures inequality in income distribution (0 = total equality, 100 = extreme inequality).
Source: _Altax.al_
These data from Albania echo the latest evaluations from other European economies, reinforcing the argument that economic growth alone cannot serve as a universal remedy. Rising GDP has not led to meaningful improvements in quality of life for most Albanians. While economic growth correlates with high social progress, growth alone proves insufficient-GDP cannot fully explain or deliver social progress outcomes that matter to citizens.
Rebuilding trust through social cohesion
While no single answer exists to the challenges of our time, Albania needs an innovative approach to social care, education, and environmental policy if it hopes to restore trust and improve perceptions of governance. By focusing narrowly on meeting EU legislative deadlines, the Albanian government has overlooked social cohesion – the ability of a society to manage differences and promote welfare for all. This oversight stands in stark contrast to the EU’s own priorities, where cohesion policy has served as its main investment strategy since the Lisbon Treaty in 2009.
Government strategy documents acknowledge the impact of economic and territorial disparities, particularly between urban and rural areas on social cohesion and inclusion. Limited access to local social services continues to constrain opportunities for vulnerable groups, perpetuating cycles of exclusion and poverty.
While racing to meet European Commission deadlines for completing negotiation chapters, Albanian authorities must ensure that this reform process guarantees tangible and equal improvements in public services, not merely legislative compliance. Citizens need to see real changes in their daily lives: functioning courts, accessible healthcare, quality education, and economic opportunities that extend beyond the capital.
Innovative solutions such as AI may indeed enhance procurement oversight and improve service delivery for marginalised communities. However, without a clear vision and decisive leadership committed to addressing inequality, such initiatives cannot bridge growing divides or guarantee welfare for all citizens. A virtual minister, no matter how sophisticated, cannot substitute for genuine political will to tackle corruption and build inclusive institutions.
The European Commission also bears responsibility here. It should use the negotiation monitoring period not just to tick boxes on legislative alignment, but to actively promote social cohesion policies that yield tangible benefits for Albanian citizens. Only by reinforcing the core values of the European Union—solidarity, equality, and social justice—can the accession process become meaningful for ordinary Albanians who have waited decades for change that never seems to arrive.
This article is part of a series on global discussions about the state and government, produced in partnership with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.
Erjon Tasehas served as Executive Director of the Academy of Political Studies (APS) since May 2012. He holds a degree in Journalism and Public Relations, along with a Master’s in Public Administration. Erjon began his career as a journalist in Albania, accumulating over a decade of experience as editor-in-chief at leading national print media outlets.
