The far right is preying on the fears of the vulnerable ahead of June’s elections. Progressives must tackle the causes of its rise.
In Europe, once again, winds in favour of the far right are blowing. Its electoral space has grown over the last decade but in the latest cycle it is achieving particularly good results, multiplying its influence and power. We saw this in Italy, Sweden and Finland and we have observed it in the Netherlands and Argentina. Now the far right is preparing to launch its assault on the skies of Brussels.
This will be a decisive electoral year for democracy, on both sides of the Atlantic. In Europe, we are at risk of distorting or hollowing out the integration project, due to the influence of the far right—a decision which would have global impact. Most conservatives have decided to rub out their red lines, establishing a dynamic of co-operation with the far right which they intend to impose on the European Union.
Pouring salt on wounds
To confront all of this, the first thing we should acknowledge is that democracies do not have a manual to deal with the far right. There is no clear guide with instructions on how to minimise its electoral impact and social relevance. We have however learned some lessons and we have some knowledge and intuitions about the phenomenon: we know what nourishes it and understand its messages, how it operates and how it gains influence.
The far right takes advantage of the cracks in our democratic systems, claiming to give visibility to those who feel excluded and acting as a vehicle for anger and resentment. It exploits uncertainty and feeds on the fears of the most vulnerable. It instrumentalises wounds in our society: far from cauterising them, it pours salt on them to multiply its votes.
The new radical right acts as an electoral brake against real changes and social advances: from gender equalisation to the movement of people and action on climate, it denies the social- and natural-scientific consensus. It appeals to a nostalgia for an imaginary past and combines it with identitarian fury, an emotional cloak for its adherents. It combines this with disruptive speeches which operate effectively in the algorithms of the online arena and amid the instant dopamine offered by ‘social media’.
The far right is effective in poisoning public discourse and influencing the behaviour of other political actors. Its greatest achievement has been to forge significant alliances with a traditional right in decline. That has been the most dangerous change left by the latest electoral cycle in Europe, normalising the presence of the far right in institutions and its impact on policy design. Those conservatives who seek to tame this tiger to gain power may end up devoured by their own short-termism.
Sorcerer’s apprentice
In Brussels, a part of the European People’s Party, led by its leader, Manfred Weber, would like to reshuffle political balances by importing the agreements already seen in several capitals between conservatives and the far right. He has in Alberto Núñez Feijóo, leader of the Spanish Partido Popular, a great ally to amplify his strategy.
As with the antics of Goethe’s apprentice sorcerer, Weber’s power game could poison the European project, shift its centre of gravity to the right and end the healthy balance of forces based on co-operation among socialists, liberals and Christian democrats since its inception. That will be the real decision of the European elections in June.
Social democracy meanwhile not only demands that the far right be stopped but proposes to confront the structural causes of its rise and substantially improve the working and living conditions of the citizenry. It is necessary to guide the profound changes taking place in our society, develop buffers that minimise and offset their negative consequences and create mechanisms of protection and certainty against the hate speech that normalises violence.
Of all the advanced democracies, the government that has proved most effective in this agenda against the far right—with a constructive emotional appeal and a powerful social programme—has been the administration in Spain. This is recognised by progressives throughout Europe and its strength will be our great contribution to the coming elections, crucial for the future of Europe.
This forms part of our series on a progressive ‘manifesto’ for the European elections
Javier López has been a Spanish member of the European Parliament since 2014. He is chair of its delegation to the Euro-Latin American Parliamentary Assembly and a member of the Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety.