It has become a tradition for pro-Europeans to make their political comeback after the summer holidays in Ventotene, the island where Altiero Spinelli wrote the Manifesto for a “free and united Europe” in 1941. Reconnecting with the spirit of this manifesto has never been more urgent: our Union appears dangerously divided and weakened in an increasingly hostile environment, both internally and beyond its borders.
With only 5% of the world’s population and a growing economic backlog, faced with a world dominated by empires from Putin’s Russia to Trump’s United States and Xi Jinping’s China, Europe risks becoming a mere vassal of America. This has become clear with the unilateral concessions made to Trump on tariffs and defence spending, and the acceptance of a subordinate role for the EU in the negociations to put an end to the war in Ukraine. The EU also plays an insignificant role in all other conflicts affecting its neighbourhood, from Gaza to Nagorno-Karabakh.
Domestically, the second Von der Leyen Commission has decided to call into question the Green Deal, although it was the flagship project of her first term, as if climate change were not getting worse. It has also presented a disappointing multi-annual European budget, which does not provide for any real increase in spending and undermines cohesion policy in order to finance new priorities in research and defence. At the same time, the populist, Eurosceptic and Europhobic far right, aligned on Putin and Trump, has never been so powerful within both the Member States and the EU institutions.
The current EU leaders suffer from a lack of long-term vision, unity and institutional capacity. For the time being, an unlikely alliance of Trump supporters and nostalgic Atlanticists seems to dominate the European Council and the Commission. Thus, the prevailing line so far has been to flatter and appease the American president in the hope of limiting the damage, which in practice reinforces our political, strategic and economic dependence on Washington. This strategy is not very effective, because for Trump, contracts only bind the other party. Agreeing to spend 5% of European GDP for defence and to buy more American weapons and natural gas has in no way strengthened his commitment to collective security, avoided punitive tariffs, or reinforced American support for Ukraine. For him, it is mainly a question of reaping gains for the American economy, from mining contracts to arms sales. Paradoxically, it is Putin’s lack of serious commitment to a negotiated settlement that is preventing Trump from reaching an agreement on Ukraine on Moscow’s terms.
It should now be clear that Trump is not, and never will be, an ally. Trump’s America is a major geopolitical, economic and cultural threat for Europe. However, becoming a mere American protectorate is not inevitable. Another path is possible, given the outrage sparked by the series of humiliations we are witnessing. The revival of a pro-European majority within the three institutions, and in particular in the European Parliament, would make it possible to change course, moving from vassalage to self-determination. It is up to the Parliament, which is responsible for overseeing the Commission and has the power to censure it, to demand a new direction in its work. To begin with, the European Parliament could block the reduction of European customs duties on American products, a measure that would certainly be approved by European voters. It should use this power, showing that Europe is capable of resisting blackmail.
We must also strengthen our political union and overcome the veto rule that allows Orban to block EU military aid to Ukraine. We need to build our own defence system, independent of the United States and capable of deterring the Kremlin. Here too, such decisions would be very popular with most European citizens. As Mario Draghi has said, we will not become a geopolitical power by relying solely on improving our competitiveness and our internal market. We must become a true federal union, finally freed from the constraints of unanimity and endowed with competences in foreign and security policy. The main Member States should immediately activate the common defence clause provided for in the Treaties and undertake a reform of these Treaties, in collaboration with the Parliament.
Failing that, a coalition of willing countries should launch a new “European Defence Community”, with a parliamentary and budgetary dimension, open to all Member States wishing to join. If no action is taken and we simply wait for the next crisis to improvise decisions, Europe risks dying as a political project.
