Social Europe

politics, economy and employment & labour

  • Projects
    • Corporate Taxation in a Globalised Era
    • US Election 2020
    • The Transformation of Work
    • The Coronavirus Crisis and the Welfare State
    • Just Transition
    • Artificial intelligence, work and society
    • What is inequality?
    • Europe 2025
    • The Crisis Of Globalisation
  • Audiovisual
    • Audio Podcast
    • Video Podcasts
    • Social Europe Talk Videos
  • Publications
    • Books
    • Dossiers
    • Occasional Papers
    • Research Essays
    • Brexit Paper Series
  • Shop
  • Membership
  • Ads
  • Newsletter

Shadow of recession deepens over the eurozone

by John Weeks on 9th September 2019 @johnweeks41

TwitterFacebookLinkedIn

Some orthodox economists predicted fiscal austerity would build confidence and so foster recovery. Yet at the end of the lost eurozone decade recession looms once more.

fiscal austerity
John Weeks

For a decade sustained economic recovery from the great financial crash of 2008 has eluded the European Union and many of its member states. Commentators offer different explanations for the disappointment of each hesitant economic recuperation failing to achieve its potential. The consensus view of the recent recessionary risk, manifest in contraction of the German economy, assigns cause to threats to world trade caused by the US government’s aggressive mercantilism.

A sharp contraction in intra-eurozone trade provides superficial support for this explanation. The reverse comes after a decade of slow expansion of intra-EU commerce compared with extra-EU exports and imports. Yet while each incomplete recovery has its conjunctural explanation, repeated failure suggests a causality common to the entire decade of the 2010s.

Fiscal austerity provides that causality. Formally begun in 2011, via conditionalities associated with loans to the Greek government to restructure largely French and German banks, the European Commission applied programmes of austerity successively to Ireland, Italy, Portugal and Spain. In addition, several governments of northern-European countries adopted fiscal austerity out of ideological commitment.

Make your email inbox interesting again!

"Social Europe publishes thought-provoking articles on the big political and economic issues of our time analysed from a European viewpoint. Indispensable reading!"

Polly Toynbee

Columnist for The Guardian

Thank you very much for your interest! Now please check your email to confirm your subscription.

There was an error submitting your subscription. Please try again.

Powered by ConvertKit

Balanced budgets

The term austerity is frequently used to refer to fiscal restraint in general. As I explain in my new book, The Debt Delusion, in the EU over the last decade it has assumed a specific meaning—fiscal policy driven by the goal of balancing total expenditure and total revenue, with no net borrowing. Since 2010 several countries have enshrined balanced budgets in their constitutions, for example Italy and Spain.

Adhering to any such budget rule, whatever the specific deficit limit, eliminates the countercyclical role of fiscal policy by rendering expenditure endogenous to growth. Because almost all government revenue is income-related, quantitative fiscal rules make the level of public expenditure derivative of that of output. This ‘endogenising’ of expenditure means that the government budget cannot contribute to growth. In practice quantitative fiscal rules actually depress growth.

This decommissioning of active fiscal policy has occurred while monetary policy has been focused almost exclusively on price stability (inflation of 2 per cent or lower targeted by the European Central Bank) and exchange rates have been left to the market to determine. With the three major areas of macroeconomic policy thereby rendered passive, EU governments have in effect been left with no instruments to foster growth.

’Expansionary austerity’

The International Monetary Fund among others has challenged the critical view of fiscal austerity as growth-depressing, with the hypothesis of ‘expansionary austerity’. While severely criticised to the point of ridicule, this counter-intuitive analysis remains influential, at least among those ideologically committed to limiting public expenditure and government intervention in mixed economies such as those of the EU.

Because of the complexity of aggregate economic interactions, empirical verification of the austerity arguments remains difficult. A test is required which isolates fiscal austerity from all other causal factors. Statistical techniques do exist which formally achieve this isolation (‘holding other things equal’) but they do not eliminate the challenge of specifying modelling assumptions.

In place of a formal modelling exercise I therefore suggest a comparison of the economic performance over an extended period of EU countries divided between those in the eurozone and those with their own currencies. This division has its justification in the limited ability of the commission to enforce the Excessive Deficit Procedure on non-eurozone governments. The key difference is that governments operating national currencies can borrow from their central banks to finance fiscal deficits.


We need your help! Please support our cause.


As you may know, Social Europe is an independent publisher. We aren't backed by a large publishing house, big advertising partners or a multi-million euro enterprise. For the longevity of Social Europe we depend on our loyal readers - we depend on you.

Become a Social Europe Member

Not controlling for country characteristics—frequently called ‘fixed effects’ in statistical work—is an obvious drawback of this comparison of groups. However, the formal attempt to do so usually involves assigning rather unenlightening binary variables to countries.

I ask the straightforward question: is there evidence that economic growth has substantially varied between eurozone countries, where fiscal-austerity policies have been applied and enforced through formal programmes, and national-currency countries, in which austerity has been less systematic? The graph below inspects that question for 2007-19, using indices of the weighted average of gross domestic product across each group.

Substantial divergence

For the first five years, 2007-11 inclusive, the two indices come close to a complete coincidence. The final quarters of expansion show almost identical increases, as does the following contraction. Over the next eight years beginning with the introduction of austerity programmes, however, the averages for the two groups diverge substantially, with the non-eurozone group growing by 20 per cent (an eight-year compound annual growth rate of 2.3 per cent) and the eurozone group by 9.7 per cent (an annual 1 per cent equivalent).

Index of GDP for EU countries, eurozone (18) and non-eurozone (8), 2007Q1-2019Q1 (weighted average of countries, average 2011 = 100)

Source: Eurostat. The eurozone includes all members except the Slovak Republic for which the relevant statistics are not available. The non-eurozone group includes the United Kingdom. The eurozone index is taken directly from the relevant Eurostat table. The non-eurozone index was calculated by the author using the same method.

The comparison is consistent with the hypothesis that austerity substantially contributed to depressing growth. These results carry no implication about the wisdom of membership in the eurozone or ECB management of the common currency, except for the possible depressing effects of the 2 per cent inflation target.

The comparison supports the contention that an expansionary—or at least non-contractionary—fiscal policy would have resulted in a stronger and more sustained recovery from the financial crash of 2008. Indeed, to the extent that eurozone membership facilitated intra-group dynamics, fiscal expansion might be more effective among common currency users.

Yet in the absence of a change in fiscal policy, the shadow of recession will persist and deepen in the eurozone.

TwitterFacebookLinkedIn
Home ・ Economy ・ Shadow of recession deepens over the eurozone

Filed Under: Economy

About John Weeks

John Weeks is co-ordinator of the London-based Progressive Economy Forum and professor emeritus of the School of Oriental and African Studies. He is author of The Debt Delusion: Living within Our Means and Other Fallacies (2019) and Economics of the 1%: How Mainstream Economics Services the Rich, Obscures Reality and Distorts Policy.

Partner Ads

Most Recent Posts

Thomas Piketty,capital Capital and ideology: interview with Thomas Piketty Thomas Piketty
pushbacks Border pushbacks: it’s time for impunity to end Hope Barker
gig workers Gig workers’ rights and their strategic litigation Aude Cefaliello and Nicola Countouris
European values,EU values,fundamental values European values: making reputational damage stick Michele Bellini and Francesco Saraceno
centre left,representation gap,dissatisfaction with democracy Closing the representation gap Sheri Berman

Most Popular Posts

sovereignty Brexit and the misunderstanding of sovereignty Peter Verovšek
globalisation of labour,deglobalisation The first global event in the history of humankind Branko Milanovic
centre-left, Democratic Party The Biden victory and the future of the centre-left EJ Dionne Jr
eurozone recovery, recovery package, Financial Stability Review, BEAST Light in the tunnel or oncoming train? Adam Tooze
Brexit deal, no deal Barrelling towards the ‘Brexit’ cliff edge Paul Mason

Other Social Europe Publications

Whither Social Rights in (Post-)Brexit Europe?
Year 30: Germany’s Second Chance
Artificial intelligence
Social Europe Volume Three
Social Europe – A Manifesto

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

Read FEPS Covid Response Papers

In this moment, more than ever, policy-making requires support and ideas to design further responses that can meet the scale of the problem. FEPS contributes to this reflection with policy ideas, analysis of the different proposals and open reflections with the new FEPS Covid Response Papers series and the FEPS Covid Response Webinars. The latest FEPS Covid Response Paper by the Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, 'Recovering from the pandemic: an appraisal of lessons learned', provides an overview of the failures and successes in dealing with Covid-19 and its economic aftermath. Among the authors: Lodewijk Asscher, László Andor, Estrella Durá, Daniela Gabor, Amandine Crespy, Alberto Botta, Francesco Corti, and many more.


CLICK HERE

Social Europe Publishing book

The Brexit endgame is upon us: deal or no deal, the transition period will end on January 1st. With a pandemic raging, for those countries most affected by Brexit the end of the transition could not come at a worse time. Yet, might the UK's withdrawal be a blessing in disguise? With its biggest veto player gone, might the European Pillar of Social Rights take centre stage? This book brings together leading experts in European politics and policy to examine social citizenship rights across the European continent in the wake of Brexit. Will member states see an enhanced social Europe or a race to the bottom?

'This book correctly emphasises the need to place the future of social rights in Europe front and centre in the post-Brexit debate, to move on from the economistic bias that has obscured our vision of a progressive social Europe.' Michael D Higgins, president of Ireland


MORE INFO

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

The macroeconomic effects of the EU recovery and resilience facility

This policy brief analyses the macroeconomic effects of the EU's Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). We present the basics of the RRF and then use the macroeconometric multi-country model NiGEM to analyse the facility's macroeconomic effects. The simulations show, first, that if the funds are in fact used to finance additional public investment (as intended), public capital stocks throughout the EU will increase markedly during the time of the RRF. Secondly, in some especially hard-hit southern European countries, the RRF would offset a significant share of the output lost during the pandemic. Thirdly, as gains in GDP due to the RRF will be much stronger in (poorer) southern and eastern European countries, the RRF has the potential to reduce economic divergence. Finally, and in direct consequence of the increased GDP, the RRF will lead to lower public debt ratios—between 2.0 and 4.4 percentage points below baseline for southern European countries in 2023.


FREE DOWNLOAD

ETUI advertisement

Benchmarking Working Europe 2020

A virus is haunting Europe. This year’s 20th anniversary issue of our flagship publication Benchmarking Working Europe brings to a growing audience of trade unionists, industrial relations specialists and policy-makers a warning: besides SARS-CoV-2, ‘austerity’ is the other nefarious agent from which workers, and Europe as a whole, need to be protected in the months and years ahead. Just as the scientific community appears on the verge of producing one or more effective and affordable vaccines that could generate widespread immunity against SARS-CoV-2, however, policy-makers, at both national and European levels, are now approaching this challenging juncture in a way that departs from the austerity-driven responses deployed a decade ago, in the aftermath of the previous crisis. It is particularly apt for the 20th anniversary issue of Benchmarking, a publication that has allowed the ETUI and the ETUC to contribute to key European debates, to set out our case for a socially responsive and ecologically sustainable road out of the Covid-19 crisis.


FREE DOWNLOAD

Eurofound advertisement

Industrial relations: developments 2015-2019

Eurofound has monitored and analysed developments in industrial relations systems at EU level and in EU member states for over 40 years. This new flagship report provides an overview of developments in industrial relations and social dialogue in the years immediately prior to the Covid-19 outbreak. Findings are placed in the context of the key developments in EU policy affecting employment, working conditions and social policy, and linked to the work done by social partners—as well as public authorities—at European and national levels.


CLICK FOR MORE INFO

About Social Europe

Our Mission

Article Submission

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641

Find Social Europe Content

Search Social Europe

Project Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

.EU Web Awards