Social Europe

  • EU Forward Project
  • YouTube
  • Podcast
  • Books
  • Newsletter
  • Membership

EU cash floodgates open for nuclear and gas

Barbara Mariani 25th January 2022

There is no environmental, climate or economic reason to include nuclear and fossil gas in the EU investment taxonomy.

taxonomy,gas,nuclear
Sunset, not dawn—a gas-turbine power plant (Bannafarsai_Stock / shutterstock.com)

At the turn of the year a European Commission proposal was leaked which would label two polluting energy sources, nuclear and fossil gas, as ‘environmentally sustainable’ in the European Union’s investments ‘taxonomy’. This despite two years of high rhetoric on climate and decarbonisation since the adoption of the European Green Deal and the commitment to make Europe the first carbon-neutral continent by 2050.

The proposed Complementary Delegated Act to the EU Taxonomy for climate mitigation would classify certain gas and nuclear activities as green investments, on the grounds that these are ‘transitional’ energies which might support the changeover from the most CO2-intensive energy source (coal) to renewables. The document envisages a construction-permits deadline for application of the green label, of 2030 for gas-fired power plants and 2045 for nuclear.

Any new investment in fossil-gas and nuclear-power infrastructure is however far from temporary or harmless. Further gas plants will tie the EU’s economy to highly carbon-intensive fossil fuels, with their climate impacts, for decades. As for nuclear energy, we need to broaden the panorama to the whole life-cycle of power generation, from the mining of the uranium to radioactive-waste disposal—not to mention leaks and possible accidents.

Despite lobbyists’ efforts to portray gas and nuclear as a ‘low-impact’ transitional solution, it is obvious both technologies raise serious environmental concerns and will delay the transition to a clean energy system and make it more costly for EU citizens. More importantly, if nuclear and gas are deemed green in the EU taxonomy, hundreds of millions of euro necessary for the energy transition will be diverted from much-needed solutions—energy-efficiency measures, buildings renovation, renewables and heat pumps—to fossil-fuel infrastructure and everlasting nuclear waste.

Necessary step?

Over the past three years, some member states, strongly pushed by the gas industrial lobby, have embraced the narrative of fossil gas as a necessary intermediate step towards compliance with EU climate ambition, prior to the introduction of renewables on a larger scale. These member states have a clear element in common—their significant dependence on coal to power their economies. They argue that gas is needed to replace coal, as a bridge or backup source to the uptake of renewables (mostly wind and solar).

The European Environmental Bureau’s energy scenario for compatibility with the Paris Agreement has however shown that a direct switch from coal-based power to large-scale renewables is technically feasible and the only way to try to limit global temperature rise to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels by the middle of this century.

A further argument made by proponents of gas as a transitional source is that it is associated with lower greenhouse-gas emissions than coal. But this plant-by-plant comparison overlooks methane leaks during the gas supply chain. Methane matters because its impact on climate change is 84 times greater than CO2 and if leaks total more than 3 per cent of gas content gas-fired power generation may be even worse for the climate than coal.

The economic argument does not hold either. In its recent report Net Zero by 2050: a Roadmap for the Energy Sector, the International Energy Agency shows that renewables are already the most competitive energy source in the EU—considering again all the building, maintenance and generation costs of a power plant—and that their comparative advantage vis-à-vis fossil-fuel-based counterparts will only increase in the coming decades. The same investments in efficiency and renewables will deliver decarbonisation earlier and more cost-effectively, while doing no harm or at least less harm than investing in gas and nuclear.

There is also a geopolitical cost arising from increasing EU dependence on gas. In the context of soaring energy bills, further investing in gas will only result in greater dependence on fossil fuel imported from non-EU countries—with Russia at the forefront—whose price has proved extraordinarily volatile amid global speculation and political shocks.

Large risks

The defenders of nuclear power argue it provides a stable energy supply which does not generate CO2. If we however take into account the large risks associated with the operation and maintenance of reactors and the unsolved issue of radioactive waste—with its management challenges and associated costs for future generations—nuclear power cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, be considered a sustainable investment. Through its vice-president Frans Timmermans, responsible for the European Green Deal, the commission has itself publicly recognised that nuclear cannot be classed as green.

Worldwide, not a single technology-neutral tender has been won by nuclear energy. Most have been won by renewable alternatives, which have proved much cheaper.

In supporting nuclear power as a transitional source, the commission keeps applying de facto a perverse logic: instead of steering available resources into energy-saving investments and/or non-polluting energy sources, it allows finance to be consumed paying for the costs of pollution (nuclear decommissioning and radioactive-waste management). EU taxpayers will have to foot the bill—as they already do in many member states which rely on nuclear power or are in the process of decommissioning old plants. Taxpayers’ money could therefore end up being diverted from truly sustainable solutions towards non-cost-effective measures which create additional risks and responsibilities.

‘Greenwashing’ precedent

With the inclusion of nuclear and gas as environmentally sustainable investments, the commission would set a very dangerous ‘greenwashing’ precedent, threatening the very purpose of its sustainable-finance agenda and its Green Deal.

The taxonomy was promised to be a tool to help investors recognise and label environmentally sustainable economic activities, promote a transition to a zero-carbon future and guide funding towards the solutions society needs. If gas and nuclear are however included, investors will not be able to rely on a common, robust and science-based classification of sustainable economic activities, diluting the main goal of the regulation and its contribution to delivering the Green Deal.

In a domino effect this could jeopardise the commitment by the European Investment Bank to stop investing in gas. It would also facilitate state-aid decisions and regulatory approaches supporting national investment in nuclear and gas, and potentially affect EU funding and priorities.

Secondary legislation

The commission is proposing this legal act as secondary legislation. This is not the regular co-decision process, empowering the Council of the EU and the European Parliament to amend the legislative proposal until a final political agreement is reached (which may take two or three years).

Secondary legislation generally applies only to technical regulations. The two other EU institutions can then only approve or reject the proposal ‘as a whole’, within a very short timeframe. To reject the commission’s decision, the parliament would need to assemble a contrary majority in four months.

A decision with such potential long-term environmental, economic, financial and social impacts should be open to a fully-fledged democratic process, whereby EU citizens are well-informed and can express their views. Without such democratic scrutiny, the commission would send a very bad political signal, representing a big blow to the credibility of the European Green Deal and the European institutions themselves.

Barbara Mariani
Barbara Mariani

Barbara Mariani is policy manager for climate at the European Environmental Bureau. She has been working for 20 years on EU climate, energy and environmental policy for various stakeholders, including government and industry.

Harvard University Press Advertisement

Social Europe Ad - Promoting European social policies

We need your help.

Support Social Europe for less than €5 per month and help keep our content freely accessible to everyone. Your support empowers independent publishing and drives the conversations that matter. Thank you very much!

Social Europe Membership

Click here to become a member

Most Recent Articles

u4219834664e04a 8a1e 4ee0 a6f9 bbc30a79d0b1 2 Closing the Chasm: Central and Eastern Europe’s Continued Minimum Wage ClimbCarlos Vacas-Soriano and Christine Aumayr-Pintar
u421983467f bb39 37d5862ca0d5 0 Ending Britain’s “Brief Encounter” with BrexitStefan Stern
u421983485 2 The Future of American Soft PowerJoseph S. Nye
u4219834676d582029 038f 486a 8c2b fe32db91c9b0 2 Trump Can’t Kill the Boom: Why the US Economy Will Roar Despite HimNouriel Roubini
u42198346fb0de2b847 0 How the Billionaire Boom Is Fueling Inequality—and Threatening DemocracyFernanda Balata and Sebastian Mang

Most Popular Articles

startupsgovernment e1744799195663 Governments Are Not StartupsMariana Mazzucato
u421986cbef 2549 4e0c b6c4 b5bb01362b52 0 American SuicideJoschka Fischer
u42198346769d6584 1580 41fe 8c7d 3b9398aa5ec5 1 Why Trump Keeps Winning: The Truth No One AdmitsBo Rothstein
u421983467 a350a084 b098 4970 9834 739dc11b73a5 1 America Is About to Become the Next BrexitJ Bradford DeLong
u4219834676ba1b3a2 b4e1 4c79 960b 6770c60533fa 1 The End of the ‘West’ and Europe’s FutureGuillaume Duval
u421983462e c2ec 4dd2 90a4 b9cfb6856465 1 The Transatlantic Alliance Is Dying—What Comes Next for Europe?Frank Hoffer
u421983467 2a24 4c75 9482 03c99ea44770 3 Trump’s Trade War Tears North America Apart – Could Canada and Mexico Turn to Europe?Malcolm Fairbrother
u4219834676e2a479 85e9 435a bf3f 59c90bfe6225 3 Why Good Business Leaders Tune Out the Trump Noise and Stay FocusedStefan Stern
u42198346 4ba7 b898 27a9d72779f7 1 Confronting the Pandemic’s Toxic Political LegacyJan-Werner Müller
u4219834676574c9 df78 4d38 939b 929d7aea0c20 2 The End of Progess? The Dire Consequences of Trump’s ReturnJoseph Stiglitz

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

Spring Issues

The Spring issue of The Progressive Post is out!


Since President Trump’s inauguration, the US – hitherto the cornerstone of Western security – is destabilising the world order it helped to build. The US security umbrella is apparently closing on Europe, Ukraine finds itself less and less protected, and the traditional defender of free trade is now shutting the door to foreign goods, sending stock markets on a rollercoaster. How will the European Union respond to this dramatic landscape change? .


Among this issue’s highlights, we discuss European defence strategies, assess how the US president's recent announcements will impact international trade and explore the risks  and opportunities that algorithms pose for workers.


READ THE MAGAZINE

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

WSI Report

WSI Minimum Wage Report 2025

The trend towards significant nominal minimum wage increases is continuing this year. In view of falling inflation rates, this translates into a sizeable increase in purchasing power for minimum wage earners in most European countries. The background to this is the implementation of the European Minimum Wage Directive, which has led to a reorientation of minimum wage policy in many countries and is thus boosting the dynamics of minimum wages. Most EU countries are now following the reference values for adequate minimum wages enshrined in the directive, which are 60% of the median wage or 50 % of the average wage. However, for Germany, a structural increase is still necessary to make progress towards an adequate minimum wage.

DOWNLOAD HERE

KU Leuven advertisement

The Politics of Unpaid Work

This new book published by Oxford University Press presents the findings of the multiannual ERC research project “Researching Precariousness Across the Paid/Unpaid Work Continuum”,
led by Valeria Pulignano (KU Leuven), which are very important for the prospects of a more equal Europe.

Unpaid labour is no longer limited to the home or volunteer work. It infiltrates paid jobs, eroding rights and deepening inequality. From freelancers’ extra hours to care workers’ unpaid duties, it sustains precarity and fuels inequity. This book exposes the hidden forces behind unpaid labour and calls for systemic change to confront this pressing issue.

DOWNLOAD HERE FOR FREE

ETUI advertisement

HESA Magazine Cover

What kind of impact is artificial intelligence (AI) having, or likely to have, on the way we work and the conditions we work under? Discover the latest issue of HesaMag, the ETUI’s health and safety magazine, which considers this question from many angles.

DOWNLOAD HERE

Eurofound advertisement

Ageing workforce
How are minimum wage levels changing in Europe?

In a new Eurofound Talks podcast episode, host Mary McCaughey speaks with Eurofound expert Carlos Vacas Soriano about recent changes to minimum wages in Europe and their implications.

Listeners can delve into the intricacies of Europe's minimum wage dynamics and the driving factors behind these shifts. The conversation also highlights the broader effects of minimum wage changes on income inequality and gender equality.

Listen to the episode for free. Also make sure to subscribe to Eurofound Talks so you don’t miss an episode!

LISTEN NOW

Social Europe

Our Mission

Team

Article Submission

Advertisements

Membership

Social Europe Archives

Themes Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

Miscellaneous

RSS Feed

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641