Social Europe

politics, economy and employment & labour

  • Themes
    • Global cities
    • Strategic autonomy
    • War in Ukraine
    • European digital sphere
    • Recovery and resilience
  • Publications
    • Books
    • Dossiers
    • Occasional Papers
    • Research Essays
    • Brexit Paper Series
  • Podcast
  • Videos
  • Newsletter
  • Membership

Germany’s new coalition: changing gear on climate

Isabel Schatzschneider 10th December 2021

Germany’s ‘traffic light’ coalition is sending strong green signals. But political roadblocks lie ahead.

traffic light coalition,Ampelkoalition,Germany,Greens,Green Party,fossil fuel
The party of men in fast cars—the FDP leader, Christian Lindner (photocosmos1/shutterstock.com)

It has barely been ten weeks since Germans woke up to the news of the narrow federal-election victory by the social-democratic SPD over the conservative CDU-CSU union. The SPD, led by the outgoing vice-chancellor, Olaf Scholz, promised change after 16 years of rule under the Christian democrat Angela Merkel.

Even before the results had been announced, speculation as to the likely coalition had begun: the SPD was predicted to partner with the Greens and the neoliberal Free Democrats (FDP). And two weeks ago, the three parties, dubbed the ‘traffic light’ coalition due to their respective political colours—red, green and yellow—reached a deal after two months of intense negotiations, weeks ahead of their self-imposed Christmas deadline.

Last Saturday, the SPD voted by almost 99 per cent in favour of the coalition agreement. The next day, the FDP followed suit, with a 92 per cent majority. And on Monday, the Greens sealed the deal, with 86 per cent of party members backing the agreement. With all parties giving their blessing, Scholz’s cabinet was sworn in on Wednesday.

Not an easy ride

Yet, even with the undeniable support for the SPD-led government from the members of the coalition parties, the newly formed political alliance is unlikely to be an easy ride. Notably, the Greens and the FDP lock horns on several key issues—not least in relation to the environment.


Become part of our Community of Thought Leaders


Get fresh perspectives delivered straight to your inbox. Sign up for our newsletter to receive thought-provoking opinion articles and expert analysis on the most pressing political, economic and social issues of our time. Join our community of engaged readers and be a part of the conversation.

Sign up here

Will the three-way alliance give the green light for radical climate policies, compared with those under Merkel? Or will the Greens take a moderate approach, considering this power-sharing agreement was their golden ticket to the frontline of German politics?

So far it seems the Greens have not backed down; nor do they appear willing to do so any time soon. The new coalition deal puts climate change at the centre of German political debate, including environmental pledges that would have seemed unattainable during the Merkel administration. 

While she may have been nicknamed the ‘climate chancellor’, critics argue Merkel’s legacy is mixed. The former environment minister and career scientist may have been concerned about climate change far earlier than most global leaders but she had her political blind spots—Germany’s addiction to fossil fuels perhaps the most notable.

For many Germans, Merkel was more successful in pushing the climate agenda abroad than at home. In Germany, the chancellor was faced with competing demands from powerful car and coal industries. Greenpeace called the automotive sector an Achilles heel for the CDU, with its close ties to the country’s leading export industry.

Change of climate

With the new government, however, Germany could finally experience a change of climate at home. The coalition treaty includes ‘ideally’ fast-forwarding Germany’s coal exit from 2038 to 2030—rapidly speeding up the country’s transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy.

A part of this transition is the new commitment to 80 per cent renewable energy by the end of the decade—about twice the contribution renewables make today. This will certainly be a challenge for Europe’s powerhouse: for years critics have accused Germany of falling behind other European countries in the shift to green energy. But the coalition pledge is a breath of fresh air, signalling a willingness to curb Germany’s reliance on fossil fuels and enter a greener, post-Merkel era.

The coalition also plans to have at least 15 million electric vehicles on German roads by 2030. While this is vital to meet the country’s global commitments on reducing its greenhouse-gas emissions, there are however roadblocks ahead.

Most sceptical

Car-loving Germans are not exactly thrilled about the switch to Evs. A recent survey in 22 countries discovered that Germans were the most sceptical about EVs, with 58 per cent saying their next car would ‘probably not’ be electric. Unions have also sought to protect the jobs of around 800,000 Germans employed by the automotive sector, amid fears that tens of thousands could be lost if the transition is not executed with caution.


Support Progressive Ideas: Become a Social Europe Member!


Support independent publishing and progressive ideas by becoming a Social Europe member for less than 5 Euro per month. You can help us create more high-quality articles, podcasts and videos that challenge conventional thinking and foster a more informed and democratic society. Join us in our mission - your support makes all the difference!

Become a Social Europe Member

Transport is the only industry that has failed to curb greenhouse-gas emissions since the 1990s. In the past, a strong car culture has championed traditional models and Germany did not join the COP26 pledge to sell only zero-emission vehicles by 2035.

Given public resistance towards rapid electrification, renewables such as biofuels could soften the transition. A plausible biofuel alternative comes from south-east Asia, where Malaysia has successfully certified roughly 93 per cent of its palm oil as sustainable under the legally binding MSPO scheme—and, by doing so, managed to reduce deforestation for four consecutive years. The efforts of biofuel-producing nations to render their industries sustainable could assist countries such as Germany steadily to reduce their fossil-fuel consumption.

Out of sync

A recent United Nations report reveals that, despite increased climate ambitions, governments’ fossil-fuel production plans are still dangerously out of sync with the Paris Agreement temperature limits. This essentially leaves us no time to waste. Yet while the new coalition has demonstrated willingness to ramp up Germany’s climate ambitions, it won’t be plain sailing.

The two smaller coalition parties enter the government with opposing agendas and approaches which vastly differ. The Greens seek to protect the environment from polluting industries with tougher environmental laws, while the FDP wants to liberate the same industries from ‘burdensome’ regulations and focus on market-based solutions.

The FDP has the image of a party of men who drive fast cars. Unsurprisingly, it has opposed a speed limit on the Autobahn and, due to its ‘pro-business’ stance, it is unlikely to favour imposing government targets on the car industry. Yet several young, newly-elected members of the Bundestag have close ties to the environmental movement. They are unlikely to settle for bland compromises when it comes to execution of these plans. Overall, this could signal a more hard-line approach to climate policies.

While the Greens’ election result failed to secure the chancellorship, it did grant them leverage in the coalition negotiations. They secured notable ministerial positions for the party’s co-leaders, Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock. Habeck is vice-chancellor and minister for the economy and climate, while Baerbock is foreign minister—the first woman ever to hold the position.

Shifting the continent

If the new coalition can strike a compromise on how to finance its climate-protection initiatives, this could pave the way towards a greener future. As Europe’s biggest economy, the German government’s decisions are likely to shift the continent’s climate agenda. Heading to the polls in September, Germans sought change in a vote which was labelled the ‘climate election’.

Only time will tell if the Ampelkoalition is able to deliver this. At the moment, there is no reason not to remain hopeful.

Isabel Schatzschneider 1
Isabel Schatzschneider

Isabel Schatzschneider is an environmental activist and researcher specialising in food ethics, religious ethics and animal welfare, as well as politics in the middle east. She is currently working as a research associate at the Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg.

 

You are here: Home / Ecology / Germany’s new coalition: changing gear on climate

Most Popular Posts

Russia,information war Russia is winning the information warAiste Merfeldaite
Nanterre,police Nanterre and the suburbs: the lid comes offJoseph Downing
Russia,nuclear Russia’s dangerous nuclear consensusAna Palacio
Belarus,Lithuania A tale of two countries: Belarus and LithuaniaThorvaldur Gylfason and Eduard Hochreiter
retirement,Finland,ageing,pension,reform Late retirement: possible for many, not for allKati Kuitto

Most Recent Posts

OECD,inflation,monetary The OECD and the Great Monetary RestrictionRonald Janssen
prostitution,Europe,abolition Prostitution is not a free choice for womenLina Gálvez Muñoz
Abuse,work,workplace,violence Abuse at work: who bears the brunt?Agnès Parent-Thirion and Viginta Ivaskaite-Tamosiune
Ukraine,fatigue Ukraine’s cause: momentum is diminishingStefan Wolff and Tetyana Malyarenko
Vienna,social housing Vienna social-housing model: celebrated but misusedGabu Heindl

Other Social Europe Publications

strategic autonomy Strategic autonomy
Bildschirmfoto 2023 05 08 um 21.36.25 scaled 1 RE No. 13: Failed Market Approaches to Long-Term Care
front cover Towards a social-democratic century?
Cover e1655225066994 National recovery and resilience plans
Untitled design The transatlantic relationship

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

The summer issue of the Progressive Post magazine by FEPS is out!

The Special Coverage of this new edition is dedicated to the importance of biodiversity, not only as a good in itself but also for the very existence of humankind. We need a paradigm change in the mostly utilitarian relation humans have with nature.

In this issue, we also look at the hazards of unregulated artificial intelligence, explore the shortcomings of the EU's approach to migration and asylum management, and analyse the social downside of the EU's current ethnically-focused Roma policy.


DOWNLOAD HERE

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

WSI European Collective Bargaining Report 2022 / 2023

With real wages falling by 4 per cent in 2022, workers in the European Union suffered an unprecedented loss in purchasing power. The reason for this was the rapid increase in consumer prices, behind which nominal wage growth fell significantly. Meanwhile, inflation is no longer driven by energy import prices, but by domestic factors. The increased profit margins of companies are a major reason for persistent inflation. In this difficult environment, trade unions are faced with the challenge of securing real wages—and companies have the responsibility of making their contribution to returning to the path of political stability by reducing excess profits.


DOWNLOAD HERE

ETUI advertisement

The future of remote work

The 12 chapters collected in this volume provide a multidisciplinary perspective on the impact and the future trajectories of remote work, from the nexus between the location from where work is performed and how it is performed to how remote locations may affect the way work is managed and organised, as well as the applicability of existing legislation. Additional questions concern remote work’s environmental and social impact and the rapidly changing nature of the relationship between work and life.


AVAILABLE HERE

Eurofound advertisement

Eurofound Talks: does Europe have the skills it needs for a changing economy?

In this episode of the Eurofound Talks podcast, Mary McCaughey speaks with Eurofound’s research manager, Tina Weber, its senior research manager, Gijs van Houten, and Giovanni Russo, senior expert at CEDEFOP (The European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training), about Europe’s skills challenges and what can be done to help workers and businesses adapt to future skills demands.

Listen where you get your podcasts, or for free, by clicking on the link below


LISTEN HERE

About Social Europe

Our Mission

Article Submission

Membership

Advertisements

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641

Social Europe Archives

Search Social Europe

Themes Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

Follow us

RSS Feed

Follow us on Facebook

Follow us on Twitter

Follow us on LinkedIn

Follow us on YouTube