Social Europe

  • EU Forward Project
  • YouTube
  • Podcast
  • Books
  • Newsletter
  • Membership

Putting politics back in charge of the economy

Sheri Berman 7th November 2022

In the neoliberal era, economics marginalised the social sciences. But, Sheri Berman writes, only politics can tame capitalism’s chaotic gyrations.

primacy of politics,politics,economics,profession,DeLong,Hayek,Polanyi,Keynes,economics,profession,DeLong,Hayek,Polanyi,Keynes
Only politics—the municipality of Vienna under social-democratic control—could provide the world’s longest residential building (over a kilometre), one of some 400 such Gemeindebauten built to house those dislocated by the first world war, in a city which remains a social-housing model (florab_photo/shutterstock.com)

Decades of capitalist triumphalism following the collapse of Soviet Communism came to an end with the financial crisis of 2007-09. Since then, recognition of capitalism’s downsides has grown.

Today, capitalism is attacked by a revitalised socialist left and parts of the growing populist right. Even establishment pillars, such as Bloomberg, the Council on Foreign Relations and McKinsey, regularly feature discussions about ‘the future of capitalism’—implying that is in question.

One clear reflection of the changing assessment of capitalism is the economics profession. During the early 21st century, as one influential study declared, neoliberalism was essentially hegemonic within it—and economists were accordingly sanguine about the ability of the economy to flourish relatively unfettered. But over the last decade or so scholars such as Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, Gabriel Zucman, Mariana Mazzucato, Adam Tooze, Anne Case and Angus Deaton have come to the forefront of debate by highlighting the economic as well as social flaws of capitalism.

Interpreting capitalist development

Into these waters steps J Bradford DeLong, an influential professor of economics in the United States, a former deputy assistant Treasury secretary and the author of a widely-read economics blog. DeLong’s Slouching Towards Utopia: An Economic History of the Twentieth Century provides an interpretation of capitalism’s development which reflects how much contemporary economists are grappling with its vicissitudes. Yet the book also makes clear how difficult it is to understand these things by looking at capitalism alone.

DeLong frames Slouching Toward Utopia around the assertion that the 20th century was ‘the first century ever in which history was predominantly a matter of economics: the economy was the dominant arena of events … and economic changes were the driving force behind other changes’. This perspective, which might be termed the ‘primacy of economics’, leads DeLong to periodise modern history in a particular way.

He argues that a new era began in 1870 when the ‘door’ to capitalist development was unlocked by globalisation, the industrial research laboratory and the modern corporation, enabling humanity to begin ‘slouching toward utopia’. This era, which DeLong (echoing Giovanni Arrighi) terms the ‘long twentieth century’, ended in 2010 when the financial crisis left unclear whether capitalism was still a force for progress.



Don't miss out on cutting-edge thinking.


Join tens of thousands of informed readers and stay ahead with our insightful content. It's free.



Hayek and Polanyi

To illustrate how capitalism changed and developed during this period, DeLong utilises two major thinkers, Friedrich Hayek (1899-1992) and Karl Polanyi (1886-1964). As readers of Social Europe will be well aware, they had dramatically different views of capitalism.

Hayek was of course a champion of ‘free-market’ capitalism, arguing that it generated more freedom and progress—or, in DeLong’s terms, could bring humanity closer to utopia—than any other system. So strong was Hayek’s faith that he viewed political interventions to achieve outcomes which capitalism did not spontaneously engender as not merely inefficient but entailing a slippery slope to totalitarianism.

Polanyi, by contrast, was a harsh critic, arguing that, left to itself, capitalism undermined values, such as justice and fairness, which were primary rationales of human existence. Indeed Polanyi believed that the socially destructive and dehumanising forces unleashed by untrammelled capitalism would cause a backlash—and it was this which raised the spectre of totalitarianism.

DeLong breaks the ‘long twentieth century’ into five periods, each illustrating the insights of Hayek or Polanyi or both.

Progress, then backlash

The first is 1870-1914. Economic growth began consistently outpacing population for the first time in history, pulling humanity out of the dire poverty which had been its lot hitherto and generating unimaginable medical, technological and cultural progress. This economic revolution also helped break down the social-status hierarchies and oligarchic political systems which had previously limited human freedom. During this period capitalism did indeed, as Hayek would argue, help humanity ‘slouch towards utopia’.

This came, however, with downsides. New inequalities arose between urban and rural areas and between the expanding middle and working classes, with the latter subjected to abominable living and working conditions. Traditional values and communities collapsed, leaving many without safety nets and generating widespread social alienation. Internal (rural to urban) and external migration exploded, forcing many to adapt to dramatically new living conditions as well as to living alongside dramatically different people.

As Polanyi predicted, the next period (1914-45) saw a backlash. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, nationalist movements feeding off the fear and anger generated by rapid change had grown, contributing to the catastrophe of the first world war. The interwar decades brought endless economic problems: high unemployment, massive inflation and of course the Great Depression.

The ‘Hayekian’ or economically orthodox ‘solution’ to these problems—laisser-faire and austerity—was, as DeLong puts it, ‘completely insane’ and made ‘matters worse’. The suffering caused by capitalism, combined with the failure of establishment figures and parties to deal effectively with it, contributed to growing support for left (Communist) and right-wing (fascist and National Socialist) extremists, who promised to ‘solve’ capitalism’s problems and create a ‘better’ world.

Capitalism tempered, then unleashed

Chastened by the lessons of the interwar years, the west entered a new period after 1945, characterised by DeLong as a ‘shotgun marriage of Polanyi and Hayek blessed by Keynes’. Capitalism re-emerged, in contrast to the hopes of its ardent critics, but it was a capitalism tempered by government interference designed to avoid its disadvantages, disappointing ‘free-market’ advocates as well. If humanity slouched towards utopia between 1870 and 1914, during the postwar social-democratic era it ran. In the decades after 1945, western economies grew faster than ever, while inequality, class conflict and extremism declined.

Despite its successes, this social-democratic era too came to an end. Economic difficulties beginning in the 1970s provided an opening for ‘Hayekian’ attacks on the system and the disappearance of Communism after 1989 emboldened the right. A new neoliberal period thus began, swinging the pendulum back towards Hayek and a greater role for markets, and away from a Polanyian or even Keynesian emphasis on the importance of government intervention to protect citizens from capitalism’s negative consequences.

The outcomes in the west were tepid growth, rising inequality, stagnating productivity and entrepreneurship and a financial crisis which brought this period to an end. (The developing world had a different experience during these decades, with capitalism generating tremendous economic gains and progress akin to that experienced by the west between 1870 and 1914.)

This brings us to DeLong’s fifth period, the contemporary one, characterized by a Polanyian backlash to the negative consequences of the neoliberal era. During the last decade or so the west has experienced rising social discontent and political extremism, as well as a widespread questioning of whether capitalism can still help humanity slouch towards utopia.

Important parts missing

Analyses which identify economic forces as the motor of history remind us of the centrality of capitalism to modernity. But this perspective misses important parts of the story.

DeLong’s narrative of the ‘long twentieth century’ stands in direct dialogue with that of the great European historian Eric Hobsbawm, whose Age of Extremes was subtitled The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991. Hobsbawm’s periodisation was determined by his belief that modern history was defined by political events—the rise and fall of totalitarianism, particularly Soviet Communism—rather than economic ones. Similarly, Polanyi wasn’t merely a critic of capitalism but a radical reinterpreter of it: he insisted its origins and development could only be understood through the lens of the ‘primacy of politics’.

Polanyi argued that capitalism did not emerge spontaneously and nor was it ultimately the consequence of the factors (globalisation, research labs, modern corporations) stressed by DeLong. Rather, Polanyi claimed that political decisions and changes were necessary for the transition to capitalism to eventuate—as well as to prevent capitalism from undermining social stability.

Markets and capitalism

Alongside other economic historians such as Ferdinand Braudel, Polanyi understood that markets and capitalism were not the same. Markets are mechanisms for exchanging goods which have existed throughout history. But it was only in the 18th and 19th centuries, when European leaders began removing restrictions on them and creating conditions enabling research, free trade, corporations and so on to thrive, that capitalism emerged. (China, for example, may have had the most extensive market system in the world during the early modern period. Its leaders, however, restricted crucial areas of economic activity, hindering the rise of capitalism of which instead Europe became the global power centre.)

And it was not just the emergence but also the development of capitalism that was determined by politics. What a Polanyi-esque focus on the ‘primacy of politics’ makes clear is that when capitalism operated relatively unfettered by political authority—as during 1870-1914 and the neoliberal era—it generated not only economic crises but also widespread social discontent and political extremism. It was only when political institutions asserted their power to counteract capitalism’s negative aspects—most successfully in western Europe after 1945 and in the US beginning with the 1930s New Deal—that not merely capitalism but also social stability and democracy could flourish.

The challenge to western capitalism now is thus also primarily political rather than economic. Whether capitalism can once again be a force which helps humanity ‘slouch towards utopia’ depends on whether political authorities prove willing and able to put in place policies that enable its upsides to be maximised while protecting citizens from its downsides.

That Polanyi is the figure to whom even some economists now turn to understand capitalism’s cycles and vicissitudes is a good sign. The next step is grappling with the radical implications of his insistence on the primacy of politics.

This is a joint publication by Social Europe and IPS-Journal

Pics1
Sheri Berman

Sheri Berman is a professor of political science at Barnard College and author of Democracy and Dictatorship in Europe: From the Ancien Régime to the Present Day (Oxford University Press).

Harvard University Press Advertisement

Social Europe Ad - Promoting European social policies

We need your help.

Support Social Europe for less than €5 per month and help keep our content freely accessible to everyone. Your support empowers independent publishing and drives the conversations that matter. Thank you very much!

Social Europe Membership

Click here to become a member

Most Recent Articles

u421983467e464b43d2 1 Why European Security and Sovereignty Depend on Its Digital SectorMariana Mazzucato
u42198346c3fba71fa474 0 As Temperatures Rise, European Workers Face a Looming ThreatMarouane Laabbas-el-Guennouni
u42198346741 4727 89fd 94e15c3ad1d4 3 Europe Must Prepare for Security Without AmericaAlmut Möller
6ybe7j6ybe Why Real Democracy Needs Conflict, Not ConsensusJustus Seuferle
u4219837 46fc 46e5 a3c1 4f548d13b084 2 Europe’s Bid for Autonomy: The Euro’s Evolving Global RoleGuido Montani

Most Popular Articles

u4219834647f 0894ae7ca865 3 Europe’s Businesses Face a Quiet Takeover as US Investors CapitaliseTej Gonza and Timothée Duverger
u4219834674930082ba55 0 Portugal’s Political Earthquake: Centrist Grip Crumbles, Right AscendsEmanuel Ferreira
u421983467e58be8 81f2 4326 80f2 d452cfe9031e 1 “The Universities Are the Enemy”: Why Europe Must Act NowBartosz Rydliński
u42198346761805ea24 2 Trump’s ‘Golden Era’ Fades as European Allies Face Harsh New RealityFerenc Németh and Peter Kreko
startupsgovernment e1744799195663 Governments Are Not StartupsMariana Mazzucato
u421986cbef 2549 4e0c b6c4 b5bb01362b52 0 American SuicideJoschka Fischer
u42198346769d6584 1580 41fe 8c7d 3b9398aa5ec5 1 Why Trump Keeps Winning: The Truth No One AdmitsBo Rothstein
u421983467 a350a084 b098 4970 9834 739dc11b73a5 1 America Is About to Become the Next BrexitJ Bradford DeLong
u4219834676ba1b3a2 b4e1 4c79 960b 6770c60533fa 1 The End of the ‘West’ and Europe’s FutureGuillaume Duval
u421983462e c2ec 4dd2 90a4 b9cfb6856465 1 The Transatlantic Alliance Is Dying—What Comes Next for Europe?Frank Hoffer

Eurofound advertisement

Ageing workforce
The evolution of working conditions in Europe

This episode of Eurofound Talks examines the evolving landscape of European working conditions, situated at the nexus of profound technological transformation.

Mary McCaughey speaks with Barbara Gerstenberger, Eurofound's Head of Unit for Working Life, who leverages insights from the 35-year history of the European Working Conditions Survey (EWCS).

Listen to the episode for free. Also make sure to subscribe to Eurofound Talks so you don’t miss an episode!

LISTEN NOW

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

Spring Issues

The Spring issue of The Progressive Post is out!


Since President Trump’s inauguration, the US – hitherto the cornerstone of Western security – is destabilising the world order it helped to build. The US security umbrella is apparently closing on Europe, Ukraine finds itself less and less protected, and the traditional defender of free trade is now shutting the door to foreign goods, sending stock markets on a rollercoaster. How will the European Union respond to this dramatic landscape change? .


Among this issue’s highlights, we discuss European defence strategies, assess how the US president's recent announcements will impact international trade and explore the risks  and opportunities that algorithms pose for workers.


READ THE MAGAZINE

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

WSI Report

WSI Minimum Wage Report 2025

The trend towards significant nominal minimum wage increases is continuing this year. In view of falling inflation rates, this translates into a sizeable increase in purchasing power for minimum wage earners in most European countries. The background to this is the implementation of the European Minimum Wage Directive, which has led to a reorientation of minimum wage policy in many countries and is thus boosting the dynamics of minimum wages. Most EU countries are now following the reference values for adequate minimum wages enshrined in the directive, which are 60% of the median wage or 50 % of the average wage. However, for Germany, a structural increase is still necessary to make progress towards an adequate minimum wage.

DOWNLOAD HERE

S&D Group in the European Parliament advertisement

Cohesion Policy

S&D Position Paper on Cohesion Policy post-2027: a resilient future for European territorial equity

Cohesion Policy aims to promote harmonious development and reduce economic, social and territorial disparities between the regions of the Union, and the backwardness of the least favoured regions with a particular focus on rural areas, areas affected by industrial transition and regions suffering from severe and permanent natural or demographic handicaps, such as outermost regions, regions with very low population density, islands, cross-border and mountain regions.

READ THE FULL POSITION PAPER HERE

ETUI advertisement

HESA Magazine Cover

With a comprehensive set of relevant indicators, presented in 85 graphs and tables, the 2025 Benchmarking Working Europe report examines how EU policies can reconcile economic, social and environmental goals to ensure long-term competitiveness. Considered a key reference, this publication is an invaluable resource for supporting European social dialogue.

DOWNLOAD HERE

Social Europe

Our Mission

Team

Article Submission

Advertisements

Membership

Social Europe Archives

Themes Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

Miscellaneous

RSS Feed

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641