Social Europe

politics, economy and employment & labour

  • Projects
    • Corporate Taxation in a Globalised Era
    • US Election 2020
    • The Transformation of Work
    • The Coronavirus Crisis and the Welfare State
    • Just Transition
    • Artificial intelligence, work and society
    • What is inequality?
    • Europe 2025
    • The Crisis Of Globalisation
  • Audiovisual
    • Audio Podcast
    • Video Podcasts
    • Social Europe Talk Videos
  • Publications
    • Books
    • Dossiers
    • Occasional Papers
    • Research Essays
    • Brexit Paper Series
  • Shop
  • Membership
  • Ads
  • Newsletter

Wind-power slump blows Germany off course on climate targets

by Jess Smee on 16th January 2020

TwitterFacebookLinkedIn

Germany has forged a reputation with its Energiewende flip over to renewables. But as construction of wind turbines stagnates, can it hit its ambitious climate targets?

wind climate targets
Jess Smee

As politicians struggled—and ultimately failed—to make a decisive push to rein in global CO2 emissions at the United Nations climate summit in Madrid in December, one piece of better year-end news for the climate made the rounds in Germany: wind energy became the nation’s most important power source in 2019, outstripping environmentally harmful lignite for the first time. Yet the German Wind Energy Association president, Hermann Albers, was quick to dampen any cheers, stressing that the industry was mired in a ‘serious crisis’.

Despite the glowing headlines, Germany’s once vibrant wind-energy sector is in the doldrums, with a steep slump in construction of windmills last year and a new law which threatens to cripple the industry. Amid mounting signs that Germany’s frontrunner position in wind energy is being blown off course, observers fear that, unless lawmakers throw their weight behind the sector, the country will not reach its 2030 renewables goals.

On paper, Germany has ambitious climate aspirations: in 2019 it outlined plans to boost renewables to 65 per cent of the power mix by 2030, one of its new climate targets. Wind energy is seen as a key contributor, meaning that the nation’s scope to strike these goals could be imperilled by the sector’s downturn. Thanks to the strong performance of wind-power generation, the renewable share of Germany’s total power consumption rose to 44 per cent in the first half of last year.

Make your email inbox interesting again!

"Social Europe publishes thought-provoking articles on the big political and economic issues of our time analysed from a European viewpoint. Indispensable reading!"

Polly Toynbee

Columnist for The Guardian

Thank you very much for your interest! Now please check your email to confirm your subscription.

There was an error submitting your subscription. Please try again.

Powered by ConvertKit

The country looks set to fall short of its climate goals for this year, not least because of its continued reliance on coal. This was underscored by the 2019 Bertelsmann Stiftung Sustainable Governance Indicators report on Germany: ‘Despite a strong push into renewable energy production and energy-efficient infrastructure, Germany will fail to meet its 2020 greenhouse-gas emissions-reduction goals. Part of the issue is the continued reliance on coal as the country seeks to phase out nuclear power by 2022.’

European Green Deal

Germany might even come under pressure to hike its renewable targets further, following the announcement by the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, in December of a ‘Green Deal’ for the bloc, seeking to make it the first climate-neutral continent by 2050. The plan, an assortment of aims rather than binding measures, includes more ambitious 2030 emission-cutting targets—meaning that Germany, as the largest economy in the bloc, will have to up its game.

Meanwhile, the Social Justice Index recently published by the Bertelsmann Stiftung concluded that intergenerational injustice, and in particular the environmental legacy being passed on to younger generations, was ‘of grave concern’. It pointed out how climate protection had stalled in Germany and beyond.

Just three Nordic countries managed to secure more than half of the energy they consumed in 2019 from renewable sources, while for Germany this figure was around 14 per cent. Germany has a glowing report card for generating renewable electricity—but it still leans heavily on fossil fuels when it comes to other sectors, such as transport, heating and industry.

There is ample scope for Germany to generate more of its national power requirement from wind but, in the current political environment, the sector is being squeezed. The most important source of clean energy is being held back, including by a new law which requires onshore wind turbines to be at least 1,000 metres away from residential areas.

This calls into question the country’s position as a leading wind-power market, as well as the health of the sector.  Premiers of Germany’s five northern coastal states recently called for the minimum distance to be renegotiated, arguing that it threatened a key industry of the future and national climate targets at the same time.


We need your help! Please support our cause.


As you may know, Social Europe is an independent publisher. We aren't backed by a large publishing house, big advertising partners or a multi-million euro enterprise. For the longevity of Social Europe we depend on our loyal readers - we depend on you.

Become a Social Europe Member

Feeling the heat

If no changes are made and decision-makers fail to throw their weight behind the sector, many fear that the German wind industry might follow in the footsteps of the solar industry. This went bust after a boom in the early 2000s, losing its leadership position to Chinese firms.

German businesses are already feeling the heat: last year the wind-energy company Senvion went bankrupt. Key problems are anti-turbine sentiment and legal battles which have delayed the construction of windmills, making turbine projects an uphill struggle. Nordex, for example, has said it offsets its lacklustre business in Germany with new business elsewhere in Europe, as well as in other markets such as Turkey and India.

Germany’s international reputation, including Angela Merkel’s ‘climate chancellor’ image, is gradually wearing thin—as the reality of its green-energy roll-out fails to keep pace with its lofty aspirations.

TwitterFacebookLinkedIn
Home ・ Wind-power slump blows Germany off course on climate targets

Filed Under: Economy

About Jess Smee

Jess Smee is a Berlin-based journalist and editor of SGI News and the BTI blog of the Bertelsmann Stiftung.

Partner Ads

Most Recent Posts

Thomas Piketty,capital Capital and ideology: interview with Thomas Piketty Thomas Piketty
pushbacks Border pushbacks: it’s time for impunity to end Hope Barker
gig workers Gig workers’ rights and their strategic litigation Aude Cefaliello and Nicola Countouris
European values,EU values,fundamental values European values: making reputational damage stick Michele Bellini and Francesco Saraceno
centre left,representation gap,dissatisfaction with democracy Closing the representation gap Sheri Berman

Most Popular Posts

sovereignty Brexit and the misunderstanding of sovereignty Peter Verovšek
globalisation of labour,deglobalisation The first global event in the history of humankind Branko Milanovic
centre-left, Democratic Party The Biden victory and the future of the centre-left EJ Dionne Jr
eurozone recovery, recovery package, Financial Stability Review, BEAST Light in the tunnel or oncoming train? Adam Tooze
Brexit deal, no deal Barrelling towards the ‘Brexit’ cliff edge Paul Mason

Other Social Europe Publications

Whither Social Rights in (Post-)Brexit Europe?
Year 30: Germany’s Second Chance
Artificial intelligence
Social Europe Volume Three
Social Europe – A Manifesto

Hans Böckler Stiftung Advertisement

The macroeconomic effects of the EU recovery and resilience facility

This policy brief analyses the macroeconomic effects of the EU's Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF). We present the basics of the RRF and then use the macroeconometric multi-country model NiGEM to analyse the facility's macroeconomic effects. The simulations show, first, that if the funds are in fact used to finance additional public investment (as intended), public capital stocks throughout the EU will increase markedly during the time of the RRF. Secondly, in some especially hard-hit southern European countries, the RRF would offset a significant share of the output lost during the pandemic. Thirdly, as gains in GDP due to the RRF will be much stronger in (poorer) southern and eastern European countries, the RRF has the potential to reduce economic divergence. Finally, and in direct consequence of the increased GDP, the RRF will lead to lower public debt ratios—between 2.0 and 4.4 percentage points below baseline for southern European countries in 2023.


FREE DOWNLOAD

ETUI advertisement

Benchmarking Working Europe 2020

A virus is haunting Europe. This year’s 20th anniversary issue of our flagship publication Benchmarking Working Europe brings to a growing audience of trade unionists, industrial relations specialists and policy-makers a warning: besides SARS-CoV-2, ‘austerity’ is the other nefarious agent from which workers, and Europe as a whole, need to be protected in the months and years ahead. Just as the scientific community appears on the verge of producing one or more effective and affordable vaccines that could generate widespread immunity against SARS-CoV-2, however, policy-makers, at both national and European levels, are now approaching this challenging juncture in a way that departs from the austerity-driven responses deployed a decade ago, in the aftermath of the previous crisis. It is particularly apt for the 20th anniversary issue of Benchmarking, a publication that has allowed the ETUI and the ETUC to contribute to key European debates, to set out our case for a socially responsive and ecologically sustainable road out of the Covid-19 crisis.


FREE DOWNLOAD

Eurofound advertisement

Industrial relations: developments 2015-2019

Eurofound has monitored and analysed developments in industrial relations systems at EU level and in EU member states for over 40 years. This new flagship report provides an overview of developments in industrial relations and social dialogue in the years immediately prior to the Covid-19 outbreak. Findings are placed in the context of the key developments in EU policy affecting employment, working conditions and social policy, and linked to the work done by social partners—as well as public authorities—at European and national levels.


CLICK FOR MORE INFO

Foundation for European Progressive Studies Advertisement

Read FEPS Covid Response Papers

In this moment, more than ever, policy-making requires support and ideas to design further responses that can meet the scale of the problem. FEPS contributes to this reflection with policy ideas, analysis of the different proposals and open reflections with the new FEPS Covid Response Papers series and the FEPS Covid Response Webinars. The latest FEPS Covid Response Paper by the Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, 'Recovering from the pandemic: an appraisal of lessons learned', provides an overview of the failures and successes in dealing with Covid-19 and its economic aftermath. Among the authors: Lodewijk Asscher, László Andor, Estrella Durá, Daniela Gabor, Amandine Crespy, Alberto Botta, Francesco Corti, and many more.


CLICK HERE

Social Europe Publishing book

The Brexit endgame is upon us: deal or no deal, the transition period will end on January 1st. With a pandemic raging, for those countries most affected by Brexit the end of the transition could not come at a worse time. Yet, might the UK's withdrawal be a blessing in disguise? With its biggest veto player gone, might the European Pillar of Social Rights take centre stage? This book brings together leading experts in European politics and policy to examine social citizenship rights across the European continent in the wake of Brexit. Will member states see an enhanced social Europe or a race to the bottom?

'This book correctly emphasises the need to place the future of social rights in Europe front and centre in the post-Brexit debate, to move on from the economistic bias that has obscured our vision of a progressive social Europe.' Michael D Higgins, president of Ireland


MORE INFO

About Social Europe

Our Mission

Article Submission

Legal Disclosure

Privacy Policy

Copyright

Social Europe ISSN 2628-7641

Find Social Europe Content

Search Social Europe

Project Archive

Politics Archive

Economy Archive

Society Archive

Ecology Archive

.EU Web Awards